THE LATE T. H. CORMODE, M.H.K., (Peel)
[from Reminiscences of M.L.P.]
BY ALD. ALFRED J. TEARE, M.B.E. J.P.
OCTOBER 1962
SO MUCH is taken for granted nowadays that scarcely a thought is ever given to those who by their effort, sacrifice, and at times persecution, paved the way to the realisation of the many benefits enjoyed today.
I have often been approached to write a history of the Labour movement in the Island. That would require a more facile pen than mine, but I would like to put on record the names of some of those early pioneers, and others, who have taken an active part during the past sixty or more years in the industrial and political side of the struggle so far as my own recollections will serve me.
Many of them have passed on to their Great Reward. Others are still with us and still taking their part in the work of social betterment.
If, during what I write, I use the personal pronoun, it is not because of any egotism on my part, but simply because it is a record of my personal contact with those of whom I write.
Memories I cherish are of such men as the Cormode brothers (Tom, Arthur, Alfie and Ben), James Douglas Fell, John Caesar Quine, Edward Cannan (painter), Edward Brindle (cabinet maker), John Coole (tailor), Tom Lilley, William L. Spence, Christopher R. Shimmin, William P. Clucas, Arthur Hadley, William Dickenson, Walter P. Cannell, Levi Garrett, Joe Devlin, Willie Moore (postman), James P. Kewley (builder), Harry Clucas (joiner), James H. Cowley, John Kelly, Charlie Carroll, Frank Green (joiner), George Taggart, Marion Shimmin, Richard Kneen, Walter C. Craine ("Gus"), and many others who have passed on.
Old stalwarts we still have with us, among them James R. Corrin, M.B.E., J.P., David Boreland, J.P., Dick Harrison (joiner), Edward Kelly (Peel), John Edward Cregeen, Gerald Bridson, Annie Bridson — all, despite the march of time, as loyal to their faith as ever they were.
ONE THING which stands out prominently in my memory is the fact that the founders of the Labour movement in the Island fifty to sixty years ago were men of high Christian principles — many of them "local" preachers — who sought to apply to industry and social conditions the teachings of Christ.
It was a revolt against the appalling social injustices as they existed at that time. The misery, poverty, cruelty and inefiiciency of society drew forth a protest and led to the formation of a new movement dedicated to the task of building a new society.
Its ideals were simple and compelling. They believed in the brotherhood of all men, and in the ideal of service, and in the doctrine that the resources of the community should be used for the benefit of all.
"Converts" to the movement spread their propaganda by linking up with others of progressive views by joining debating societies and mutual improvement societies which were a feature of church life at the time. When we could afford it, we rented a hall; at other times our platform was the market place or street corner.
I was attracted to the movement as a youth and became associated with a group who met in the home of Harry Clucas, a joiner, who lived in Christian Road, Douglas.
It may surprise many to learn that their first President was Mr. (later Sir) Hall Caine, and the late J. H. Wrangham, well-known journalist, acted as Secretary.
[5] It was there I formed a friendship with Walter Clucas Craine ("Gus" as we all knew him), a friendship which continued through life.
IN RECORDING my memories of the movement, I will not attempt to place the events in the order in which they occurred, but will record them just as they flash across my mind.
"Craft" trade unions were in being in the Island in the latter half of. last century. There was also a "Progressive" Society in the South of the Island. The first "Labour" organisation to be formed was about sixty years ago, when a branch of the Independent Labour Party (the I.L.P. as we knew it) was formed.
It is a strange coincidence that those associated with the printing trade have always been in the lead in trade union and political life in the Island. To name a few — James and William Kewley, Fletcher Daugherty, David Jepson, James D. Fell, John C. Quine and Charlie Carroll.
THE LATE T. H. CORMODE, M.H.K., (Peel)
ONE OF THE most keenly contested House of Keys elections was that in Peel in 1903, when Mr. T. H. Cormode, the working blacksmith from Quine's Hill, opposed Mr. A. N. Laughton, then High Bailiff for the district. [6] That a non resident of Peel — especially one looked upon as one of the working-class, should seek to unseat Mr, Laughton was treated with contempt by the Tory element.
The Labour Party as we understand it today had not been founded in the Island, but those holding Progressive views rallied round Tom Cormode, one of his chief sponsors being the late Christopher R. Shimmin, who later on, in 1919, was himself to have the honour of representing Peel. Members of the Douglas Trades and Labour Council, amongst them being J. D. Fell and J. C. Quine, threw their full weight into the contest.
I well remember Mr. Cormode's meeting in the Centenary Hall, which was crowded to the doors. Excitement ran high. While Mr. Cormode had the help of Labour enthusiasts from Douglas, High Bailiff Laughton was not without the help of Tory supporters from outside. Among those supporters was the redoubtable Captain Robert Moughtin from Douglas. The Captain was no kid-gloved fighter, and he was responsible for many angry scenes during the election. One such scene stands out vividly in my memory. A number of fishermen and others were gathered round the Weather Glass and the Captain entered into an argument with them. Getting the worst of the argument, the Captain taunted them with a remark that they were living on the Naval Reserve pay and the Soup Kitchen. (It was customary at that period for Manx seamen in the Naval Reserve to do their training at the Peel Battery). This remark roused the tempers of the men, and it was only by intervention that the Captain escaped a ducking in Peel harbour.
A hard-fought election resulted in a victory for Tom Cormode, who gained 311 votes against 287 votes recorded for High Bailiff Laughton.
[8]
THE LATE W. C. CRAINE, M.H.K. (South Douglas)
THE FIRST official Labour candidate to stand for the House of Keys was Walter Clucas Craine ("Gus"). This is how it came about. The year was 1908, and the Douglas branch of the newly formed Independent Labour Party decided to nominate Mr. William Stephen Weigh, who was chief clerk in the office of Mr. C. W. Coole, advocate. Mr. Coole objected to Mr, Weigh offering himself, and rather than let the opportunity pass Walter was persuaded to stand.
His opponents were Captain Robert Moughtin, Mr. William Maltby Kerruish, and Mr. W. J. Corlett, ironmonger.
Two Douglas gentlemen each bet Walter a new hat that he would not receive 100 votes, but to their great surprise Walter received 282 votes. He did not gain a seat in the Keys, but he won two new hats! But Walter won a seat in the House of Keys in 1924,
IN THESE Days of the Shop Hours Acct, fixing the closing hours of shops at 6 p.m. and a compulsory half-holiday, it is interesting to compare conditions as they existed fifty to sixty years ago. There was no limit to the hours that shop assistants were called upon to work. Competition among shopkeepers was such that one was afraid to close for fear of losing custom to another who kept open.
It was a common practice for Mr. A to send one of his assistants to see whether there was any sign of Mr. B putting his shutters up.
It was common practice, even in the winter months, to remain open until 10 p.m. or later, while in the summer it approached midnight. Many attempts were made to secure earlier closing.
Two assistants who took a prominent part in this attempt were David P. Corlett (grocer's assistant) and Stephen Clague (draper's assistant). I was approached by them to help in their struggle. A meeting of all shop assistants was called, which met with a wonderful response.
Approaches were made by letter to traders without result, so it was decided to take direct action. Notice was given that on a certain date assistants would refuse to work beyond 8 p.m.[9] Days passed and no favourable reply was received from the traders. The time limit expired, and on that Monday evening assistants put their coats on and left the employers to close their premises.
The outcome was that an early closing hour was agreed upon between employers and employees. But there was another side to the story. While assistants generally benefited, the two I have named had to seek work outside the Island — victimised. !
How different today !
THE LATE RICHARD KNEEN, M.L.C. (Rushen)
PRIOR TO 1917, with the exception of a small Douglas branch of the Dockers' Union, there was practically no organisa tion amongst general workers. Not because efforts had not been made to do so. From time to time the railway employees, gas workers and builders' labourers had tried to organise themselves, but on each and every occasion their attempts were nipped in the bud by the timidity of the workers and the fear of the "sack."
Charlie Gill, of Ballaugh, made a valiant attempt to organise farm workers, Assisted by the Rev. H. Cubbon, a retired minister who lived in Strathallan Crescent, Charlie held open-air meetings throughout the Island, but the branches he formed were short-lived.
It was not until early 1917 that any determined effort was made to organise general workers. I had been approached many times for my assistance in this direction, and it was on March 17th, 1917, that I called a meeting of those interested. The meeting was held in Rosebery House, at the top of Victoria Street, placed at our disposal by Mr. John Lord, an enthusiastic member of the local branch of the Independent Labour Party. John will be remembered as the gardener at the Mental (now Ballamona) Hospital, and afterwards lived at Union Mills.
[10] Some fifty workers attended the meeting — a mixed assembly of Corporation workers, coal-men, gas workers, railway men, etc. Considerable enthusiasm was shown for the formation of a union.
Perhaps the enthusiasm may be better understood by the workers of today when I tell them that despite the increase in the cost of living since the outbreak of war in 1914 (about 78 per cent. above 1914), the only increase of wages which had been forthcoming was one shilling per week, increasing the pre-war £1-a-week to 21/-, and in many industries there were no defined hours of work.
After a deal of discussion as to the type of Union suitable to the Island, I was asked to make inquiries and submit them to an adjourned meeting. I did so, and at the adjourned meeting on the 24th March, 1917, I submitted particulars of the National Union of Labour, the Municipal and General Workers Union, and the Workers' Union.
The latter (whose general secretary was the late Mr. Charles Duncan, M.P. for Barrow-in-Furness) was considered to be the most suitable to the Island, as it catered for all grades of workers and was not confined to any particular industry. It was decided to form a branch of the Workers' Union, and the necessary ten names were forthcoming for that purpose. It is only fitting, I think, that the names of those ten men, who laid the foundation stone of the powerful general workers organisation that we have today should be placed on record. Here they are — Edward Quaye, Edward Callow, Laurence Faragher, Harry Sayle (Corporation employees), Albert Cleator, Louis Cretney, Tom Looney, Fred Corrin, Philip Kinnish (coal-men), and Robert Gilmour.
IN THESE DAYS of clamour for a 40-hour, five-day week, it would be well to remind today's younger generation of workers what conditions were like in 1917. Though the usual hours constituting a working week were round about 60, there was no really agreed fixed number, and men were often [11] called upon to work more than 60 (even on Sunday), and nothing extra was paid in the way of overtime.
One of the first actions of the Union was to define a maximum working week, and after considerable negotiation this was fixed at 56 hours — 7 a.m. to 6 p-m. (with an hour to dinner) on five days of the week, and 7 a.m. to 1 p-m, on Saturday, ensuring a half-day holiday to many workers for the first time, and payment for any hours worked over the 56.
Coal-men (men who delivered coal by the hundredweight (to regular customers) for a while were deprived of their half-day holiday. A lot of "tick" was given to customers, and the coal-men were expected to collect the payment, which took up their Saturday afternoon. Approach was made to the coal merchants to recognise Thursday afternoon as the half holiday, and Saturday to be occupied in both delivery and collection of cash. This was conceded by the merchants.
THE SUCCESS achieved by Douglas general workers through their Union encouraged workers in other districts to form branches. Branches were opened in Peel, Ramsey, Castletown, Rushen and Laxey. Those who took a leading part in forming the Peel Branch were Christopher Shimmin, William P, Clucas, John Quine, Walter Scholes, Edward Kelly and Fred Kinrade (who undertook the duties of secretary). In Ramsey, a leading part was taken by Arthur Hadley, Frank Caine, -. Curphey and Robert Caley (plumber), who took on the secretaryship. In Castletown, the organisation fell chiefly on the shoulders of William J. Wilson. The formation of the Rushen branch was carried out by those stalwarts James Robinson Corrin and Richard Kneen, while the Laxey branch were fortunate to have the enthusiasm of David Boreland and Fred Maclean (secretary), with the help of a number of men engaged in Laxey mines.
It was through the Union that Laxey miners were given the conditions of English lead miners by the Government. Mr. W. T. Kelly, M.P. for Rochdale, an official of the Union, and Alderman George Titt, of Manchester, another official of the Union, did much service in this direction.
[12]
ENCOURAGED by the success achieved by the General Workers in improvement of their working conditions, the employees of the Isle of Man Railway decided to make another attempt to organise in a Union. Their organisation presented somewhat of a problem, They were scattered all over the Island, and with memories of what had happened in previous attempts to organise them, I considered it would be fatal to either circularise them or advertise meetings in the Press, as in either case news would reach the manager's office and the effort again be nipped in the bud.
My duties as secretary of the Workers' Union caused me to travel over the railway system and come in contact with the men, The stationmasters were in contact with all the men in their sector — clerks, platelayers, loco men, etc.
The first step in organisation was the holding of a little tea party at Ballasalla on a Sunday afternoon, which was attended by the following stationmasters:— Moses Kelly (Port Erin), J. Corkan (Port St. Mary), Harry Watterson (Port Soderick), Joe Mylchreest (Peel), and Malcolm Quayle (Ramsey). They undertook to enrol all the men in their respective sectors — with a 100 per cent. success.
With this backing, I sent in to the company a demand for a substantial increase of wages. It must be remembered that at this time (War years 1914-18) the company was having a very profitable time, due to passenger and goods traffic in connection with the large alien internment camp at Knockaloe. Little, if any, of this prosperity had been passed on to the employees. My demand was ignored by the manager. After waiting a week or two, I again sent in my demand. This was met by the manager sending out Mr. A. J. Hogg, traffic superintendent, to spy out the ground and ascertain the extent of the organisation. After interrogating several men he eventually asked Dick Nelson, the guard on the south line, what he knew about the Union, and got the reply: "Go and teil the manager we are all in — 100 per cent."
I then got word from the manager to meet him, followed by meetings with the directors, and after a hard struggle was successful in defining hours of labour and an increase in wages, which in some cases almost doubled what they had previously received.
[13]In the further improvement of conditions, I was given valuable assistance by William C. Hudson, Wilfred Tranter, David Dow and George Crellin (St. John's)
THE LABOUR PARTY'S struggle for Old Age Pensions for Manx people was a long and sometimes bitter one, and even when a Bill was carried in the House of Keys by a unanimous vote it did not get through the Legislative Council at that time. The Labour Associations in the Island petitioned direct to the Home Secretary (Mr. Winston Churchill), but the petition was returned with the instruction that it must be forwarded through the Governor, at that time Lord Raglan, and in this connection I would like to recount a "brush" we had with His Lordship.
Prior to 1918, direct taxation was unknown in the Isle of Man. Government revenue was entirely derived from taxation on liquor, tobacco and the breakfast table. The incidence of this form of taxation was that the widow whose income was the pittance (and it was a pittance, no mistake) received in the form of poor relief, paid more in taxation in relation to her income than the well-to-do, by reason of the fact that the teapot and sugar basin was more often on her table than on the tables of those in more affluent circumstances.
The removal of this iniquity was one big struggle and agitation of the Labour movement for almost a lifetime, for it Was recognised that without some taxation on the wealth of the Island in the shape of income tax, many of the social benefits enjoyed by the workers in Great Britain — old age pensions, health services, etc. — could not be provided in the Island.
[14] And what a struggle it was, culminating in the three days' general strike in July, 1918 (of which I write later), to enforce the imposition of income tax to pay for the bread subsidy, which made it possible in 1920, when the subsidy was no longer required, to introduce old age pensions in the Island.
In the course of our campaign many lively incidents occurred. Perhaps one of the most lively was the occasion when a deputation waited on Lord Raglan in an endeavour to impress upon him the injustice which Manx people were suffering by reason of no provision being made for the payment of pensions to our aged people. Some lively exchanges took place. One which I well remember was when Lord Raglan asked whether we contended that people came into the world with a label on their backs entitling them to a pension. Quick as fire came a reply from Walter P. Cannell (one of the deputation): "Your Lordship came into the world with a ——— big label on your back entitling you to a pension because one of your ancestors sent six hundred men to their doom at Ballaclava!" (a reference to the charge of the Light Brigade). Needless to say, our interview came to an abrupt end.
Our appeals to our Insular Government meeting with little or no response, with a sense of frustration we decided to forward a petition to the Home Secretary, setting out our grievance.
The petition was sent direct to the Right Hon. Winston Spencer Churchill, who was at that time Chief Secretary for Home Affairs. It was sent in the name of the Joint Labour Associations in the Isle of Man and had attached to it something like 8,000 signatures of persons of adult age.
The wording of the petition was as follows:
"That old age pensions having been withheld from the inhabitants of this Island, a grave injustice is suffered thereby. Your petitioners would respectfully point out that public meetings of the people have been held in favour of old age pensions, that decisive Parliamentary elections have been strenuously fought and won on the question, and that the members of the people's branch of the Legislature have unanimously carried the third reading of a Bill providing for the payment of old age pensions on a non-contributory basis, yet your petitioners [15] regret to record the fact that not only has no such measure been passed into law but that such Bill sent from the People's Chamber has been indefinitely 'hung up' by the Official Chamber. Your petitioners have found that all the efforts possible under the Insular Constitution have been made in vain, and your peti tioners are therefore compelled to appeal to the Imperial Parliament to so amend the British Pensions Act as to render it operative in the Isle of Man. The suggested course would remove some of the anomalies of (the British Act in refence to the residence qualification of Manx people in the United Kingdom and of English, Irish, Scotch and Welsh people here, and would be less costly than a separate scheme for the Isle of Man.
"Your petitioners would respectfully remind you that there rs no direct taxation in this Island, so that any necessary taxation to meet the expenditure of a non contributory scheme of pensions should not be placed on the working classes. Further, your petitioners desire to emphasise the fact that when extra duties were placed on spirits and tobacco in the United Kingdom, under the 1909 Budget, similar duties were imposed here, and submitted to by the people on the understanding that old age pensions were in consequence forthcoming Your petitioners would therefore submit that the work ing classes here are already contributing to old age pensions and should in all justice be receiving them. Your petitioners trust that you will give this petition your earnest and favourable consideration and would ask you to receive a deputation from the Labour Parties in this Island on the subject specified in the petition."
We did not get very far with this effort, as the petition was returned to us with an instruction that any petition must be forwarded through the proper channels (namely, the Lieutenant Governor). We accordingly handed the petition in to the Governor with a request that it should be forwarded to the Home Secretary. Whether that was done or not I don't know. Anyhow that was the last we heard of it.
[16]
OUR CAMPAIGN for pensions for our aged folk was temporarily halted by reason of our attention having to be given to the removal of yet another injustice which was being borne by Manx workers — the failure of our Insular Government to grant to Manx bakers a flour subsidy similar to that given to English bakers to enable a reduction to be made in the price of the loaf of bread. By the subsidy, English bakers were enabled to reduce the price of the loaf from one shilling to ninepence. Without the subsidy, Manx bakers were compelled to charge one shilling.
The time I speak of was early in 1917, when the cost of living figures were 78 per cent. above 1914.
The Workers' Union had recently been formed in the Island, and the general workers were beginning to realise the power they had — political as well as industrial — and were determined to use it.
Appeals to the powers-that-be in the Island that the snhabitants of the Isle of Man should share the benefit of cheaper bread with their neighbours in the United Kingdom met with no response.
I wrote to Mr. Charles Duncan, who was at that time Member of Parliament for Barrow-in-Furness (and General Secretary of the Workers' Union) asking him to raise the question in the House of Commons.
In August, 1917, Mr. Duncan asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether the ninepenny loaf 'would be on sale in the Isle of Man, and whether the Imperial Government had decided to bear the cost, or whether the matter was to be left to the Legislature of the Island ?
Mr J. R. Clynes replied: "The Food Controller is not directly concerned with the regulation of food supplies in the Isle of Man, but he will be glad to co-operate as far as possible with the authorities in that Island for the purpose of effecting a reduction in the price of bread should those authorities desire to bring about a reduction."
Protest meetings were held throughout the Island (indoor and open-air), One such meeting in the open-air was held on [17] the shore at the bottom of Broadway. There was a gathering of over a thousand people.
A SUGGESTION had been made in Government circles that a cheaper loaf might be provided for "poor people" — on a poor-relief basis. This was strongly resented. I took the chair at this meeting, and the other speakers were William Clucas and Christopher Shimmin, who said he was prepared, if necessary, to go to prison, as did his great-uncle, 'Tom Shimmin, to secure justice for his fellows. (Tom Shimmin was confined in Castle Rushen for twelve months for his actions in the Corn Riots). Such was the spirit dominating the Labour movement at that time — so different from the spirit so often in evidence today.
THE LATE WILLIAM CLUCAS, M.H.K. (Glenfaba)
William Clucas proposed the following resolution:
"Resolved, that this public meeting of working men and women emphatically protests against the official effort to pauperise the poor by instituting a system of bread relief tickets and demands the right to be treated on terms of equality with their fellow wage earners on the mainland; and further resolved that this public [18] meeting requests the Lieutenant Governor to take immediate steps, following the action of the Imperial Government, to exercise control over food prices in the Isle of Man, and the cost to be met by the imposition of ancome tax."
These were the first shots in the battle for the imposition of income tax, a battle in which constitutional means were swept aside, and the object in the end achieved by direct industrial action.
MEETINGS throughout the Island in protest at the inaction of the Insular Government concerning the provision of a flour subsidy ultimately compelled the Governor (Lord Raglan) to summon Tynwald to discuss the question. His Excellency said it was estimated that the subsidy would cost the English Government £44,000,000. Anything costing that sum in England would cost £44,000 here. This step which had been taken in regard to bread, he said, was one of the most serious steps England had ever taken. It would mean that never again would bread be allowed to go above nine pence.
He said there were three ways of dealing with the matter — (1) Grant the subsidy on the English lines; (2) pay the subsidy on a fixed amount of bread per person (eight ounces per day per person); (3) that it be confined to bread supplied to poor persons, If the money had to be found by levying income tax, he estimated that a shilling tax would yield £27,000. He referred to a gloomy address which the Town Clerk (Mr, Alexander Robertson) had given at a Municipal Association meeting, when he said a shilling tax would cost Douglas a sevenpenny rate.
I was taken to task by Lord Raglan for having the question raised in the House of Commons, but I would remind my readers that whereas I had the question raised on the 17th August, it was not until September 11th that Tynwald was summoned. He inferred that if I had not had the question aired in the Commons, the probability was that we would have got the subsidised flour paid for by the England tax payer.
[19] Labour resented such a proposal — that the English worker should be taxed to save the skin of the well-to-do in the Isle of Man.
After a long discussion, on the motion of Deemster Callow, seconded by Mr. T. H. Cormode, a Committee of Inquiry was appointed to take evidence. The committee appointed were Deemster Callow, the Receiver-General (Mr. Joseph Qualtrough), W. T. Crennell, E. J, Curphey, T. H. Cormode, J. W. Walton, Mark Carine, T. F. Quine and the Speaker.
The Committee sat on the 23rd September. Deemster Callow was chairman. Lord Raglan was also in attendance. I was a witness representing the powerful Workers Union, along with two other Labour representatives — Mr. J, D. Fell (chairman of the Douglas Trades and Labour Council) and Mr, C. A. Cormode, St. Marks, a brother of Mr, T. H. Cormode. Other Withesses were Mr. Sam Norris and officials or chairmen of local authorities throughout the Island (Mr. Thomas Costain, J. G. Moore and T. E. Karran).
At the outset of the meeting I was again questioned about ihe subject in the House of Commons. Several of the committee thought it would have been more courteous on my part to have first asked Members of the House of Keys. I replied that I thought Members of the House of Keys should have been sufficiently interested without being asked.
Several attempts were made to sidetrack the Labour witnesses by questions as to which we would prefer — old age pensions or cheaper bread. We replied that our demand for old age pensions was as strong as ever, but as the cheaper loaf would benefit the whole population, we pressed this as a first issue, having in mind that once income tax (which we demanded should be the means for paying for the subsidy) was no longer required for that purpose it could be appropriated for the payment of old age pensions. (This in fact proved to be the case when income tax was appropriated in 1920 for the provision of old age pensions for the first time in the Island).
The committee reported to Tynwald on 2nd October, 1917. It recommended (1) that the subsidy be granted on lines simular to England; (2) that a grant of £20,000 be made for [19] the purpose; (3) that an Income Tax Bill be introduced; (4) if practical, an introduction of excess profits tax; (5) entertain ment and patent medicines tax.
Lord Raglan reminded the Court that the grant was to cover six months only, to give time to pass legislation to provide the money to pay for any subsidy when that time was up. The payment of £20,000 was carried without a division.
The debate at times got very heated. That old Tory Capt. Robert Moughtin referred to those who were demanding the cheap loaf and old age pensions as "growlers" and reminded them that a single ticket to England cost only six shillings.
These events bring us up to 2nd July, 1918. The House of Keys had approved an Income Tax Bill, but the Treasury was demanding a certain amount of control over expenditure. The Keys resented this interference and would not pass the measure with that clause in.
The Governor pointed out that the six months' payment out of the Accumulated Fund had expired, and said the Treasury would not consent to any further expenditure beyond the 30th June. This created an impasse, which culminated in the famous "Bread Strike" of 1918.
DESPITE THE PLEADINGS of the Governor and the Attorney General, the House of Keys refused to pass the Income Tax Bill as long as it contained a clause giving the English Treasury control over the expenditure of the revenue.
The Keys maintained that the Treasury had no such power under the 1866 Act, which limited control to moneys derived from customs duties.
Both the Governor and the Attorney-General agreed with the Keys that this was so, but pointed out the serious state of affairs which was likely to take place when the flour subsidy was discontinued. The Keys were urged to pass the Bill with the obnoxious clause in, and if the 'Treasury remained adamant the Keys could refuse to levy the tax another year.
[21] The Keys refused to give way, as it was considered to be a further encroachment on the rights of the Manx people, and the House was prepared to resist it.
With the cessation of the flour subsidy, the master bakers give notice in the Press that as from July 1st the price of the loaf would be increased to one shilling. The Governor countered this by making an order under the Defence of the Realm Act fixing the price at 10½d. The bakers said it was inpossible to bake bread at that price and they would close down their bakehouses, The operative bakers, who formed a section of the Workers Union, supported their employers.
A suggestion was made that it would be possible to produce bread at 10½d. at Knockaloe Alien Camp. The workers refused to accept anything different from what was being enjoyed by their fellows across the water, and preparations were made to force the issue.
Throughout my long years of negotiation for wages and conditions, I was always of the opinion that more could be achieved by wearing a velvet glove rather than a boxing love. But the situation which presented itself forced us to put on the boxing gloves and prepare for a fight. A meeting of the heads of the various unions was held and a plan of campaign was drawn up. At an arranged time, word was conveyed to all part of the Island that the strike was on.
A strike committee was set up, consisting of John Holden (the secretary of the local branch of the National Union of Seamen), James D. Fell (Typographical Association), Harry Imery (Shop Assistants Union), John Coole (Tailors Union), and myself (representing the Workers Union). I was appointed chairman of the committee,
An outdoor meeting announcing the strike was held outside Government Office in Buck's Road. There must have been a thousand persons present. I well remember a number of schoolboys seated on top of the wall boundary of St. Mary's Church, Harry Emery was addressing the meeting, when a query came from the boys — "What about us?" To which Harry replied: "You can join the strike too!", and sure [22] enough they did, for the next morning each school was picketed by scholars, and the schools closed "for the duration."
Pickets were appointed to attend all works to inform those workers who were not aware of the decision to strike, and the result was a complete stoppage of all work throughout the Island.
The daily steamer was allowed to sail from Liverpool to Douglas on the understanding that the men would not work the return passage until the strike was over.
The female sex played a prominent part in the strike. During the war, a number of industries were established throughout the Island, and the workers had become organised in the Workers Union. The morning of the strike they toured the town warning shopkeepers that the strike was on and advising them to close their doors to avoid trouble.
ONE of my first actions was to approach Lord Raglan with a request that he should issue an order closing all licensed premises, which he did. He also complied with a request that action be taken to keep in camp the military forces on duty at alien camps at Knockaloe and at Cunningham's Camp.
Things went quietly the first few hours of the strike. The first incident — which might have ended seriously — was when Capt. Moughtin, who had a coal business on the North Quay in the neighbourhood of Cretney the grocer's, defied the strikers and refused to close his coalyard doors. Word came to the Salisbury Hall, which was our headquarters, that the crowd had invaded the yard and were threatening to throw the Captain in the harbour.
I immediately went to the scene, and on a pretence that | had something to tell them, while I was addressing the crowd, by arrangement the Captain was hustled up Heywood Place — not before he had sustained some rough handling. — incident occurred at the Douglas Gas Works.
Arrangements had been made for certain men to remain on duty to prevent the gas mains being totally deprived of gas. A clerk in the employ of the Company attempted to do [23] work which he was not entitled to do, and he was chased tound the quarry at the rear of the works, and fortunately escaped unhurt. Another incident of a similar nature occurred on the Manx Electric Railway, when a member of the office tall tried to take out a car. He, too, was chased by a crowd hound the rocks at Port Jack, but got safely away.
Otherwise the first day of the strike passed quietly. Shops were allowed to open for a limited period — 7 a.m. to 9 a.m. in the poorer quarter of the town to enable the purchase of food.
A message was received at Salisbury Hall inquiring whether we would permit the conveyance of Members of Tynwald to Tynwald Ceremony on Tynwald Day. Our reply was to the effect that if Members of Tynwald wished to go to St, John's they must walk, as we intended to do. As things happened, Tynwald did not take place. during the day, many requests were made to the strike committee, Councillor Daniel Flinn, who had a large kipper works in Douglas, came to the Hall and asked permission to land the herrings from two boats which were in Port St. Mary. Ile was told to bring the boats round to Douglas, which he did, and sold the fish at the price fixed by the committee — 50 for a shilling.
There were a large number of visitors on the Island, who were anxious to get home, and they held meetings and sent deputations to the Governor. A deputation came to see us. We explained the reason for the strike and told them that when the ninepenny loaf was conceded we would raise the strike, The visitors thereupon wired their M.P.s and asked them to see the Home Secretary. Further interviews were held by them with the Governor, and they suggested he should telegraph the Home Secretary in London to send a warship to get them home. Lord Raglan's answer was to the effect that he could not get an answer to telegrams already sent reporting the situation.
The first day of the strike ended without further incident. What would tomorrow bring ?
[24]
ON THE MORNING of the second day of the strike there was no bread in the shops and no yeast for housewives to bake their own.
Lord Raglan again asked to see the strike leaders and offered a 10½d. loaf, to which we replied: "Not even a 9½d. loaf."
Everything was quite orderly in the town — in fact, every one had assumed the holiday spirit. The only exception were the stranded visitors. They held further meetings and approached the Governor for assistance.
Towards noon the Governor called a meeting of the Legislative Council. Then at three o'clock in the afternoon the following notice was posted outside Government Buildings:
"Arrangements have been made for the immediate restoration of the ninepenny loaf. The Lieutenant Governor trusts that business will be resumed as early as possible and that no person shall be victimised for participating in the strike."
This information had been conveyed to the strike committee and a mass meeting of some 2,000 people was held at the Jubilee Clock. The appearance of the strike committee was greeted with loud cheering, I mounted the water fountain and announced: "We've got it!" I could not proceed further for a considerable time owing to the prolonged cheering of the crowd. We thanked the workers for their loyal response to the strike calls, and requested them to resume work as soon as possible.
The strike was over — a strike for a principle which was to mean much in the bringing about of old age pensions and other social legislation in the future.
The news was transmitted by telephone and telegram to all parts of the Island, and was received everywhere with tumultuous rejoicing.
The Governor's appeal that there should be no victimisation fell on deaf ears in some quarters. Harry Emery and [25] Walter Cannell, two of the leaders of the strike, both lost their employment and had to seek work outside the Island. Strong resentment was expressed by the workers at this treatment, and it was only on the expressed wish of Harry and Walter that a resumed stoppage of work was prevented.
An attempt to victimise me was also made. At the time of the strike I was employed on the staff of the "Isle of Man Times" as a linotype operator. Several days after the resumption of work my employer, Mr. John Archibald Brown, told me he had been visited By Mr x a prominent director ol several local companies, who threatened that unless I was discharged he (the director) would take steps to have with drawn from the "Times" Office all the printing of the companies with which he was associated. But John Archibald Brown was the wrong man to be intimidated by threats of this nature. He told me that he had told the director that the "Times" was here before he was here and would be here when he (the director) was gone. I continued in my employment in the "Times" Office, until some years after I was offered and accepted the position of full-time secretary of the Workers Union, When leaving, Mr. Brown told me that if ever I got tired of my new job there was always a place for me with the "Times" Office.
In my first contribution I intimated that my purpose in writing these reminiscences was to put on record the names of those men and women connected with the Labour move ment in the Island who by their work and sacrifice laid the foundation for the many social benefits enjoyed today. I have told you something of the work of the strike committee during those two momentous days in July, 1918. I would not like the events of that week to be passed over without paying a tribute to the rank and file of workers (particularly the Douglas branch of the Workers Union. Every grade of general worker was represented thereon, and it was in no small measure due to their influence that victory was obtained without attendant disorder. Their names should go down in history. Here they are:— Laurence Faragher, Louis Cretney, James Gawne, James H. Cowley, Pat Cunningham, John Kelly, William C. Hudson, Philip Kinnish, Charles Gawne, John Edward Cregeen.
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