A short and incomplete account of his time at Knockaloe was written on his return to Germany by Captain Schmidt of the Belgia for his employer the Hamburg-Amerika Line,
I am sorry to say that through my having been held captive in England, I have so far been unable to devote myself to the service of my beloved Fatherland, or to act on behalf thereof. I have at least been permitted to aid my fellow prisoners by offering, as well as I could, advice and practical help to keep up their courage and to lessen their misery. The following is a report of what I endured and noted down whilst a prisoner, and although these memoirs are incomplete, they do nevertheless give a modest overview of our situation.
On returning from ports of call in the United States on 2 August 1914, we received news on the wireless telegraph telling us that war had been declared between Germany and Russia. This, however, did not disturb us unduly, and we kept to our course. The following day, at 10 o'clock in the evening, as we passed the lighthouse at Bishop's Rock, the telegraph once more advised us that France, too, had joined the war against us. We assumed then that we would be imprisoned on a French warship, and seeing that there were only a few short nights before we came into the protection of the English coast, Ship's Council resolved to stay within the Bristol Channel and to await instructions from our shipping line on how to proceed on our journey. The reason for this was that our wireless telegrams had received no reply.
Just before dawn broke, we took on a pilot. Following his advice, we decided
to make for Newport, the only docks apart from Cardiff that could accommodate
our depth of keel. We reached Newport on high tide at four p.m. However, two
tugs manned by soldiers prevented us from entering there, and in consequence
we had to drop anchor outside the bar. We then had to wait for the Harbour Master,
plus a colonel, together with various soldiers and civilians to come aboard,
who asked questions about whence we had come and whither we were bound.
I replied that I wished to take on five hundred tons of coal, and informed them
that the German Consul, who, as the pilot had told me, was acting in commercial
matters, and also as my Agent.
I was told that at the present time there was nowhere free for me to coal up,
and this would probably remain the case several days. A better plan would be
for me to steam next morning to the docks at Barry, where coal was available
on both sides of the harbour.
I then asked the Harbour Master why we were being kept under a military escort,
and he said we had been thought to be a German warship, and that a breach in
the friendly relations between Germany and England might come about at any time
soon. Despite all my protestations, the wireless telegraphy equipment was removed,
and decommissioned.
At that point I saw it would not be possible for our ship to lie off dock because
of low water at ebb tide, and the Harbour Master, with help from the pilot,
brought the ship to anchor in the open sea. At that point the Harbour Master
went ashore with the soldiers, while the pilot himself remained on board.
When we were raising anchor following morning, the Harbour Master once more
came alongside. He was accompanied by an escort of police-sergeants carrying
weapons. He told me that in the time that had intervened war had broken out
between Germany and England, because of which he was obliged to impound the
ship and keep under custody in his docks. The Chief of Police added his assurance
that he would keep us under his protection, and told us to regard ourselves
as his guests.
The Harbour Master then took the military personnel ashore, while the pilot
remained on board. The next morning, as we were as still raising our anchors,
the Harbour Master came over once again, kept his distance, and this time had
an escort of armed police-sergeants.
The Harbour Master informed me that a state of war now existed between Germany
and England, and consequently he had to impound our ship, and place it in his
dock.
On 4 August, our ship anchored in Newport Docks.
One or 2 pages missing from original as supplied - see notes and discussion..
I was assured of my freedom to return to the Isle of Man and to the friends and acquaintances that I had left behind there. After that I remained in Douglas Camp until my imprisonment ended, which came at the commencement April in the present year, 1918.
The aforementioned Commandant, Lt. Col. Madoc, asked me, soon after my arrival
in Douglas, to take over the supervision of the Camp, something which at first
I was reluctant to do, but as quickly as I realised that all the better class
of prisoners bore me no ill-will, I attempted, with the Commandant's help, to
achieve as much as I could, and to dispel any uneasiness and lack of enthusiasm
among my fellow prisoners.
Soon after I had got back to the Camp, its owner, Mr. Cunningham, a rogue whom
I have mentioned on several occasions before, opened a 'preferential
camp', intended for gentlemen with money. This offered better accommodation
and food, and which was kept away from the Upper Camp by cordoned-off lines
of avenues, and situated at a fairly long walk through the exercise yard. Since
I had my hands full with my two thousand people in the Upper Camp, as well as
having to preside over the various meetings, whether to do with the church,
to do with entertainment, or with other matters, I rarely showed myself in the
Preferential Camp, leaving its governance to its other Commandant. And for this
reason, I have little to report about it.
The head person in the group had been allocated the best room in the Camp. This
connected to the large dining hall, which was where we took our meals and held
our meetings. This had accommodation for up to one hundred persons.
By way of newspapers, we were allowed to take The Times, The Morning Post, The
Manchester Guardian, and a few others. These arrived delivered to us on the
packet boat from that came Liverpool. They came two hours delayed, in the afternoons.
The German newspapers on the other hand were whisked away by the Censor. However,
since the English newspapers also gave the German reports more or less faithfully,
we always kept quite well up-to-date on the war, and on the situation in Germany.
The incoming mail was worst affected, increasingly failing to be delivered,
and the last message I had received from my relatives as I was leaving Germany
at the beginning of April was dated 26 January.
Our interests were at first dealt with by the American embassy. This later moved
to the Swiss legation; while the Austrians were with the Swedish legation. The
Americans, well-known for their friendliness towards the British Government,
gave us no support at all, the chargé d'affaires, a certain Mr Littlefield,
formerly a traveller for the Kodak company, skimmed only superficially through
the matters and items brought to him. He always promised to do his best to accommodate
our requests, yet we could not achieve anything through him, and he left everything
as it was. The Swiss legation, headed by Dr Schwizer and Dr Vischer, were at
least at first very much concerned to attend to the complaints and problems
we brought to them, and were, at least initially, extremely anxious to remedy
our complaints and hardships, as well as to put us on the right path with many
misunderstandings. Nevertheless, as they themselves told us, the country they
represented was only a minor one, and they were not able to exert much influence
on the British Government. This had the result of nullifying all efforts made
by the Swiss, and caused the Swiss to appear weak and to favour the internees.
As regards conditions of work, I have to report that each prisoner was able
take on a position of employment.
Since the daily wage for work done amounted to at least three shillings and
sixpence, which had to be laid out by the employer, and from which the Manx
Government alone extracted two shillings and sixpence, the prisoner himself
was left with one shilling only. Despite this, there was no shortage of persons
willing to work, if only to provide themselves with some amusement and activity;
if that failed, they were left with the risk of transfer to Knockaloe, a camp
which had a reputation for being second-rate.
Besides work on farms and roads, the main employment was at a brush
factory, which alone had a work-force of six hundred. When at the beginning
of the present year, 1918, our Government made it clear that no work would be
allowed which was not to the benefit of the Camp, only the Austrians chose to
continue.
In the fulness of time, the school in the Camp became first-class and exemplary,
partly by having teachers excellent in their vocation, partly by having other
talented gentlemen, who taught in all conceivable subjects, and who were granted
permission by the German government to set valid examinations for the one-year
courses, as well as for those at navigator's level. We as prisoners could attend
any of these lectures, all of which were first class, and run by persons who
were experts in their field.
Our church services were similarly set for Sundays and festive days, and held
in the Education Room. These, alas, were attended by few people, unless we were
being honoured by a visit from Pastor A. Scholten, or from Pastor O. Göhling,
which happened about every two weeks.
From time to time, the Bishop of Man, His Reverence the Lord Thompson, asked
the Commandant whether he (the bishop) would be welcomed as guest to speak to
us, and since the bishop was pocket philosopher who us gave us humorous lectures
on religious topics, he was mostly well-received.
As far as the Jewish services were concerned, and since our camp was probably
the only one in England with Kosher cuisine, (which was why all the prisoners
who were orthodox Jews had chosen to come here), the service was conducted with
accuracy and great care.
As far as entertainment was concerned, something was available practically every
evening, whether in the way of theatre, a concert, a film, or some other sort
of entertainment, and over time, thanks to the various managers, excellent results
and successes came about. For a very small entrance fee, everybody every evening
could attend these performances. Sports such as tennis, football, gymnastics,
running, wrestling and boxing were organised with great care and attention,
and were prizes given out to all of these sports.
As a final word, I must mention my very good friend, Mr. Helfert. He used to
be a partner in Wendt and Co., and has lived with me as a room-mate for two
and a half years, both of them in the same room of Hut R, which I have mentioned
before. It is to Mr. Helfert that not only I myself, but also everybody else,
owes thanks for his advice and assistance to one and all, and for his unflagging
and unselfish willingness to provide everyone with help.
Elbowed out of his job by one of the other partners, an Englishman by the name
of Webster, he was interned as a German alien, a native of Baden, in mid-July
1915, at the instigation of Mr. Webster, and was not exchanged until the beginning
of March 1918, in Holland, where he is confined in the east of that country,
in the Camp at Hettem, where he will remain until his release to Germany in
the November of this year, when he will have reached his 45th year. His Company,
Wendt and Co., of London, are brokers in maritime insurance, and also used to
represent the Association of Hamburg Underwriters. Thus Mr. Helfert is a well-known
figure in our home town.
Because his keen interest in German shipping, Mr. Helfert grated on the nerves
of Mr. Webster, his English partner, who looked for a way, without causing too
much fuss in view of the circumstances then prevailing, to get rid of him. One
consequence of this was that my above-mentioned law case took a turn for the
worst, since no one on the Jury embraced my cause whole-heartedly.
Between Christmas 1915 and New Year 1916, able-bodied seamen over the age of
45, such as myself, once more were told that we were to be released, but our
possessions were gone through by the Censors, and placed under seal. The success
of our submarines probably turned all this about, with the result that seven
weeks later we got our luggage back; which provided striking proof that our
enemies both feared and mistrusted us.
On 3 April 1918, after being kept prisoner for three years and eight months,
I finally managed to leave the Isle of Man, allowed to do so by the only person
with such powers, and set free. This man was the doctor from the Home Office
in London, who moved between the various internment camps. Despite my request
having been checked over several times, and supported and endorsed by the Commandant
and the Camp Doctor, and despite my age, which was 62 years, my request was
always refused, because of my profession as a seaman. A certain Mr. Röfer,
an acquaintance of mine, who had been interned almost continuously since the
war began, and who had been close to death on two occasions, was not released
until the middle of March.
Concerning the release to Holland, which, as is well known,
took place recently. It is worth noting that the list on this occasion contained
the names of almost no one else besides those who were in good health and had
money. This apparently happened so that the Dutch could make it clear by sending
back only these prisoners who were in good health that this was a reflection
of the humane practices and treatment that prevailed in the Camp, since these
ones were the worst cases they had. In this way it was made to appear that prisoners
in good health were the most unwell they had, while people who were really unwell,
and who were in great need of being exchanged, and this in the opinion of all
prisoners in the Camp, were relegated to the back of the list.
The journey from Douglas to Hamburg took a total of eleven days. We arrived
at 12 o'clock midnight in Spalding, and came by steamer via Liverpool.
In Spalding we were put up in the Factory
and Poor House which they had there. We stayed for five days, during which time
our luggage was weighed and censored. The weight, including hand luggage, was
not allowed to exceed 100lbs (avoirdupois). When searching the luggage, all
the documents, pictures, leather goods, soap and funds were checked through
to see whether the weight was greater more than 100lbs, (but all the Censors
were open to bribes).
On 9 April, we left the Poor House, and arrived in Boston. After half an hour's
journey we were transferred to a small steamer, and taken on board the Dutch
troop-transport ship, Koningin Regentes [Queen Regent], which lay at anchor
just outside the harbour.
When we arrived on the Dutch transport ship, we all felt we had broken free
of our imprisonment, even though we were well aware that it had not been unusual
for persons to be taken off the ship, and sent back to England.
On the steamer, just as much as in Holland itself and in Rotterdam we were
met with kindness and words of welcome. Prince Henry, too, husband of the Dutch
Queen, Wilhelmina, gave us a speech of warm welcome.
On the final day, we found that our luggage had
been rummaged through in England, and that had caused some of our men returning
with us to arrive in Holland without a penny to their name.
When we passed over the border, we were at Goch, the Dutch railway station of
entry to Germany. The Head of the Reception Committee placed us in accommodation
in civic buildings and institutes, while those who wished to pay were moved
across to guest-houses. The following day we were asked for details of our travel
destinations, had our luggage searched through by the Censor, after which we
were allowed to travel on free of charge to Germany, where we arrived at the
main station in Hamburg on the morning of 14 April 1918.
Finally, I should like to add a few words about the mood and conditions I found
awaiting us in Germany. I mentioned at the beginning of my report that before
the war I had always found the English good natured and courteous, even if narrow-minded
and full of themselves. However, as time went on, I became increasingly aware
not only of their self-importance, but also of their slack thinking and in their
dealings with people, something which has left them in terror and mistrust of
the Germans. Everyone is weary of war, both the army and the people, the people
especially because of the lack of food, of which there is very little. They
also live in fear of the air-raids made on their cities. It is hard to persuade
soldiers who have been at the Front to go back there. They dodge out of the
way wherever they can. The workman, used to living his life from hand to mouth,
and to paying off his previous week's debts with this week's money, and to drinking
the rest away with his wife and child, suffers greatly under these conditions.
Strikes are also ever-present.
Detestation of Germany also roars out from the pages of the Northcliffe Press,
as well as from the shrieking mouths of pious bishops in their pulpits, each
one full of outrage at alleged atrocities of the Germans, all of which are completely
false. These reports do, however, seem to be growing fewer, and public credence
in them less and less.
Captain G. Schmidt
Formerly of the German Passenger Liner Belgia.
Translated into English by Prof. Gerald Newton, University of Sheffield, 22 March 2020.
Some of the background has been discussed elsewhere - it is known that the crew and others described by the press as reservists were transferred to Queensferry on the 11th August 1914 from where the first group, including the assistant engineers were transferred to Knockaloe on the 15th March 1915. The 'reservists' could be a misunderstanding as at this period many of the seamen including the officers, would be reservists in the German Navy. It is not clear if the Captain was with them though there is an otherwise unassigned Knockaloe camp number at the end of the engineers' group - he could as a senior officer and used to commanding men have been transferred in the 1st tranche of internees transferred to Douglas from Queensferry - there is a G Schmidt entered in the Douglas register under camp number 160 but the register gives no other details.
It would appear that Capt Schmidt spent some time off Island, possibly being involved in the Prize court case which would have required a transfer to a London camp, possibly Alexandra Palace or maybe Islington which at the time housed German businessman, many of whom were involved in transfering control of their companies to the Public Trustee. His transfer back from London would most likely have been in a group being transferred to the rapidly expanding Knockaloe camp but it is known he was transferred to Douglas from Knockaloe on the 5th August 1915, but from his comments he had obviously spent a previous period in Douglas camp.
The doctor from the Home Office was probably Col W R Clark - Schmidt's comments that those who were in good health and had money were often first in line for transfer to Holland is somewhat confirmed by Dunbar-Kalckreuth's transfer and his surprise at having been included. However many included in the two Holland lists found in FO 383 are noted as having spent time in camp hospitals.
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