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2001
[from History of IoM, 1900]
WE now approach a period during which one of the rulers of Man, James, Lord Strange 1 (b. 1607, d. 1651), afterwards the seventh Earl of Derby, not only took an active interest in his little dominion, but was actually compelled to reside in it for some years.
As he was, probably, one of the ablest of his family, his method of government, together with its effect on the Manx people, by whom he was called Yn StanIagh Mooar, " The Great Stanley," is sufficiently, interesting and important to be told at some length He was born at Knowsley,2 and, after some private education, he was sent abroad, visiting France ant Italy and learning the languages of those countries In 1625, he was returned to Parliament for the borough of Liverpool.3 In 1626, he was created Knight of the Bath on the coronation of Charles I., and he married Charlotte de la Tremoille, daughter of the Duke of Thouars, at the Hague in the same year.
His first connexion with Man as its ruler was in 1627; 4 and he appears at the very outset of his government to have encountered some difficulties, probably with reference to the tenure, since, in August of that year, his wife wrote to her mother, " we are in trouble about the Isle of Man, if Chateauneuf had been here we should have offered him the charge of it." 5 Chateauneuf not being available, Sir Charles Gerard was made governor, and, in 1628,6 on the death or resignation of Edward Fletcher, Edward 7 Christian (d. 1661), a native of the island, was appointed "Lieutenant and Capten." 8
Christian was undoubtedly one of the most remarkable Manxmen of his time, and the man who, with the possible exception of his connexion, William Christian (Illiam Dhone) had the greatest influence on his countrymen. We will, therefore, briefly review his life before 1628. He was the second son of John Christian,9 who was vicar of Maughold between 1580 and 1625. When quite young he went to sea, and, having become the owner as well as the captain of a vessel, he amassed a considerable fortune.10 In 1619, he was at the English Court in the suite of the Duke of Buckingham, through whose influence he was appointed to the command of the Bonaventure frigate of 34 guns.11 Nine years later, he returned to Man, and there attracted the notice of Lord Strange, who gave him the appointment to which we have already referred. Up to the beginning of 1634 he seems to have remained in Man; then, in consequence of " diverse complaints delivered unto the Commissioners for the Admiralty of England,"12 he was summoned to London, but, owing to sickness, he was not able to travel till some months later.13 What happened to him as the result of these complaints is not stated, all that is known being that his connexion, Deemster Ewan Christian, acted for him in his absence, and that he probably continued to hold the post of lieutenant-governor 14 till the beginning of 1639, when Radcliffe Gerard was appointed to that office.15According to Lord Strange, his conduct continued to be satisfactory for a part of this time, but gradually being spoiled by the favours conferred upon him, he became unbearably covetous. 16 It is probable, however, that the main reason for Christian's removal from his post was the fact that he, like the rest of the insular landowners, held views on the question of the tenure diametrically opposed to those of their lord.17 Just after Christian's dismissal Lord Strange left the island, having been, on the outbreak of the Scottish ye rebellion, summoned by the King to York.18
From thence he accompanied the army to Berwick-onTweed, where a temporary peace was made. In the summer of 1640 he was again at York with the King. On the breaking out of the Civil War in 1642, he raised 5,000 men for the royal service, providing them with arms and ammunition at his own expense, and he also gave the King £40,000.19 In September of this year he was proclaimed a traitor by the House of Commons, and he succeeded to the title of Earl of Derby on his father's death.
In June, 1643, after having rendered many important services to the royal cause in the field he went by the King's command to Man,20 where there was a threatened revolt on the part of the people.21
This, as we shall see, was partly the result of Edward Christian's machinations, though there seems also to have been much genuine dissatisfaction among the people at being compelled to pay tithes, so that, on the 24th of June, 1642, it was decided by the governor,22 the officers, and the 24 Keys that " the Keys with the deemster of the land should inquire and certifie him [the governor] and the rest of the lord's counsell, of the true state of the greivances of the clergie and commonaltie, and by their advises to settle and compose a peaceable agreement."23 This inquiry was long delayed, and, in the meantime, in January, 1643, the earl restored Edward Christian to favour and appointed him sergeant-major 24 of all the Man, forces, with instructions " to traine and exercise all able men in the Island." 25 This office gave Christian practical control of the insular militia, since his superior officer, the governor, was fully occupied in the civil government of the isle, at a time when the people were excited against the earl's rule. In the spring, he, in accordance with his instructions, collected the north-side portion of the militia in a camp close to the place where the Lhane ditch empties itself into the sea, for the purpose of training them. If we may believe the accusations brought against him on his trial, he encouraged them to revolt against the earl, he conveyed " all the best armes of the country to the camp,"26 and he " administered an unlawful oath " both to them and to the parishioners of Patrick and German, by means of which " he got them into a mutenous combustion and tumult, so that he might by theire assistance possesse himself of the Castle and fforces of Peele." 26 However this may have been, the people showed that they were ready to revolt, when, at the Court of General Gaol Delivery in May, on the governor ordering one Robert Harrison, who had refused to pay tithe, to be committed to prison, " the multetude took houlde of the delinquent and tooke him away from the handes of justice by force."27
The governor was compelled to yield to the popular feeling, and ordered that two men should come to Douglas from each parish on the 13th of June " to present the greivances of the countrie." " But," continues the report, " contrary to these his directions there was a crosse sent out in each parish that every one should come thither, which accordingly they did in an unusuall manner armed, to the terror of the whole Court . . . and did present their severall petitions to the governor, who told them that he would assigne them another day to make proofe of the grievances layd down in theire petitions and that he would see them righted, but they answered that they desired noe other day . . . and one William Carett of Sulby said with a loud voyce . . . that the countrey would pay no more tythes to the temporall proctors and that they would feight and dye first . .and called unto the people that were there present and said unto them is not this all your minds, and all of them cryed and sayd it is." 28 The governor, seeing that he was powerless, the country being practically in the hands of Christian,29 wisely promised the people that he would endeavour to redress their grievances, and that he would, for this purpose, ask the earl to come to the island. With this promise they were satisfied and went quietly home. 30 Such was the state of affairs when Earl James, accompanied by some cavalry, arrived,31 only just, as it would appear, in time, " for by most it was believed a few days had ended the happy peace." 30 He at once grappled with the situation by alternately cajoling and threatening the people, and, when they were thoroughly frightened, he arrested their ringleader, Edward Christian.
We will let him describe his mancouvres in his own words: "When first I came among the people, I seemed affable and kind to all; so I offended none. For taking off your hat, a good word, a smile, or the like, will cost you nothing; but may gain you much. However, I did much beware they might not think I courted them; for so I might have made them become coy.... When any man made known his grievance and desire, while he kept him in the bounds of modesty, I seemed much to hearten him, and wished him to proceed, giving him still occasion by some interruptions (not to disturb him) to let him know that I understood well what he spoke; and, if it were matter which did like me, I fortified his words with reasons."32 Having thus endeavoured to conciliate the people, he appointed " a meeting in the heart of the country,"33 so that every one might conveniently state his grievance. What occurred at this meeting we know not, but it seems probable, judging from after events, that the earl told the people to formulate their grievances and present them to him a little later on. In the meantime he addressed himself to the ringleaders, telling them that he knew " the people were misled and misinformed," and that " if . . . they could get the common sort persuaded, it would hinder . . . further searching in the business." 34 " So," he comments, " I made one good step into business, which was to divide the faction." 34 Then, when the time came for the people to present their grievances, the earl, being clearly afraid of a revolt, appointed Castle Rushen, where he had concealed his English troops, as the meeting place.
But the different parishes presented their petitions peaceably, and, on the earl promising to consider them carefully, they went home. 35 It is probable that he also promised to summon " the Officers Spirituall and Temporall, with the 24 Keyes . . . and four Men of every Parish,"36 to assist him in doing so. We know at least that this body did meet at Peel Castle, on the 18th of July. The earl remarks, on this occasion, that he " expected some wrangling, and had it."37
He had, however, done his best, in a crooked fashion, to provide for any emergency which might arise, by employing informers to go among the people, in order to find out what their views were, ant to frighten them by assuring them that, though he was just and clement, he would make use of his absolute authority, against which there was no appeal, to punish them.38 He consulted separately such of the officers as he knew to be favourable to him, with regard to the course of action they recommended a the meeting, without informing them of what he ha learnt from his spies, and before he told them of hi intentions. Those of the officers whom he knew to be hostile to him he did not consult, but found various pretexts to employ them elsewhere.39
His description of what occurred at the meeting is well worth quoting: " There were some who saucily behaved themselves, and of those I put some out of countenance with austere looking on them; troubling their discourse in seeming not to hear well what they said, and asking them to repeat the same; which astonished them so, that oft they did forget the matter they were about, and sometimes feared to speak more of it.
" But those who were most confident, and as like to astonish us, I gave leave to be answered by my officers who sat by; considering it became me not to contend in words, lest incensing others, or myself becoming passionate, I might bring mine own discretion in some question.... Another sort there were more dangerous, who said nothing openly, but instructed others, and whispered behind the company. Some of these I espied myself; others were pointed to me by such as I had set, in several places about the bench, to observe them and give me some private beck, which I took notice of as I saw occasion. These I called nearer to the bar, who it may be would speak so as not to offend, or hold their peace; at least, there they could not incite others so conveniently." 39
The result of this conference, the members of which had evidently very limited powers, was an agreement that the earl " should chancelarise,order, and decide, all and every their matters of complaint and Grievance," and that they would abide by his " order, doom and decree." 40 Having thus got all the authority into his own hands, Lord Derby ordered the appointment of " a select Jury and Grand Inquest" 41 of twenty-four men (twelve from the Keys, and twelve from the four men of the parishes) who were to be sworn " to find out and present all such wrongs and abuses as have been committed or acted against his Lordship's prerogative, the lawes of the island, or the good of the Comonaltie." 41
At the end of the meeting, Edward Christian, with the intention of arousing the people, rose and reminded them of some grievance which they had forgotten to refer to; but the earl called him to order for introducing new matter when the business of the court was over, and assured the people that they needed no other advocate but himself.42 His next step was to put some of the minor agitators into prison, but, on their assuring him that they would be " very good and quiet," he soon released them. This gave him confidence in proceeding to imprison " the principal disturbers of the peace," 42 among whom was Christian.
All but two of these were, one by one, tried, fined, and speedily released. The result of this treatment was, according to the earl, to terrify " all that had any hand in these matters." 42 Let us again quote him: "As were set at liberty grew very mild. Those who were fined, by their good behaviour hope to be forgiven the said fines, and are thereby in good awe. Others make way to their peace beforehand to prevent imprisonment or fine." 43 The two referred to, who received exceptional treatment, were Edward Christian and his brother, William Christian, of Knockrushen.
The latter was released after having been in Castle Rushen for ten months; but the former, as having been ringleader in the recent disturbances, was to receive a much more severe punishment.
He was brought to trial on the 1st of December, when it was stated on sworn evidence 44 that he had framed a new form of government whereby the House of Keys was to be chosen by the people, and the deemsters selected from their number only; that he had encouraged the people to resist the payment of tithes, and had approved of their mutinous assemblies. That he had usurped the command of Peel Castle, and had mustered a large portion of the insular militia, after causing them to swear an oath to obey him only.45 That, during the meeting at Peel, he had striven to stir up the people against the lord. That he was opposed to the king's party, having said that the earl had made a mistake in leaving the Parliament. That he had oppressed the people and shown contempt for the law of the land. " In fine," concludes the report, " all the troubles, seditions, &c., were set on foot by him."
These charges were read before the governor, officers, deemsters, and twenty-four Keys assembled at Castle Rushen, on the 13th of December. Christian, who seems to have attempted no defence, was subjected to a fine of a, thousand marks, and condemned to " perpetual! imprisonment or untill he shall be relapsed "46 by the Lord of the Island. The case is remarkable as showing how the democratic ideas of the time had penetrated to Man, since there is no doubt that Christian had a following of his way of thinking, who were frightened or held in check by the stringent measures taken by the earl, and by the large force of English soldiers in the island.47
The ringleaders having been thus disposed of, the other malcontents came " in most submissive and loving manner, presenting their grievances." 48
The rebellion was suppressed, " and so," says the earl, " God be thanked, we are very quiet." 49
In the meantime, the jury which had been appointed to inquire into the grievances of the people had given in their report, and, consequently, the earl, on the 30th of October, summoned the clergy, his council, the Keys and four men from each parish,50 to Castle Rushen to hear and endorse his orders thereon, by which, he remarked, "I have given them, I hope, good satisfaction, redressing what was amiss both in Church or State." 49
It is not known whether these orders, which mainly related to the clergy's exactions, were signed willingly or under compulsion. It is probable, however, that they were well received by the people generally, which is more than can be said of the earl's proceedings with reference to the question of land tenure, with which we deal elsewhere. 51 Having thus got rid of his Manx opponents, the earl proceeded to forward the cause of the king by improving his military forces.
He did so by adding to the cavalry, and by constantly drilling the infantry. On the 3rd of October, a troop of 72 cavalry 52 was raised, being four men from each parish, with four officers, i.e., a captain, who received 25s. a week, a lieutenant who got 15s., a cornet 11s., and a quartermaster, 8s., the ordinary troopers receiving 3s. 6d.53 On the 15th of April in the following year, the Tynwald Court was summoned to consider the best means of providing against an invasion, and it decided on raising another similar troop, also that there should be a levy of £6 per week on the laity, and £1 10s. 54 on the clergy. This was, seemingly, to pay the salaries of the officers and other expenses, because each parish was responsible for the payment of its own men. In May, a muster of the best horses and men in the island was ordered. Those of Rushen sheading were to meet " at the Greene near Langness "; those of Middle, " at Ashole"; those of Ayre, " at K. K. Andreas Church "; those of Michael, " at Hanmer Could "; and those of Glenfaba, " at Peele-towne." 55 In June, it was decided that seven camps were to be formed, three on the north side of the island and four on the south side.
The camps on the north side were at "Knockdoony," served by the militia of Bride and Andreas; at Ramsey, by the militia of Lezayre and Maughold, and at " Hanmer ffould " (the position of which was afterwards changed to " Lanemorefoot "), by the militia of Bride, Ballaugh and Jurby. On the south side, the camps were at " Knockalloe," served by the militia of Patrick and German; at " Banks howe," by the militia of Lonan and Conchan; at " K Santon Church," by the militia of Braddan, Santon, and Marown, and " upon some hill near K. K. Arborie," by the militia of Malew, Arbory, and Rushen.56 It was arranged that one camp on the north side and one on the south side was to be occupied each week.56
In the following year, the governor, John Greenhalghe, was appointed " Lieutenant-Generall " 57 of all forces in the island, with power of " Marshall-lawe," and of nominating officers; and, " upon any occasion of invasion, rebellion, or the like, of raising an army or armies." 58 The last addition to the insular forces at this period was in August 1649, when two more troops of horse were raised, thus making 288 horsemen of all ranks.56 It would be interesting to know how these troops were armed and equipped, but, except for references to the importation of "musquetts " 56 and to the distribution of " dirkes or skeynes " 60 among the foot militia, there is no information in the Records. It is, however, probable that they were equipped in exactly the same way as the English soldiers of the period. 59
In addition to the troops already mentioned, there were the usual garrison soldiers, whose numbers were prohn,hiv augmented so as to enable them to occupy the new forts that were built, and there were also English soldiers stationed in the island. The requisitions for the maintenance of these troops were a constant source of discontent 61 and one of the chief causes of the unpopularity with which the people gradually came to regard the earl.
As, regards the insular forts, a contemporary observer speaks of Peel as being strongly " fortified both by nature and art, by the sea round about it and by walls and a rampart within it "; 62 and of Castle Rushen as " a fair, not very high, strong, and wellbuilt structure," 63 and he considered Douglas " a most considerable fort, strongly built of hard stone, round in form" and mounting " 4 pieces of ordinance." 64 In 1645, a fort was ordered to be built on St. Michael's Island " for the defence and safety of the harbour of Ronaldsway." 65
It was armed with " one whole culvrain,66 . . . and one demy culvrain,67 and, in memory of the great wisdom and valour of the illustrious Lady Charlotte, Countess of Derby,"68 at the siege of Latham House, it was named "Derby Fort."
In 1648, " Fort Loyal" at Ramsey was built, as well as another small fort near the Point of Ayre; and, at some time during this period, a fort, which is probably the fine earthwork at Ballachurry in Andreas,69 was made " in the middest of the Island." 70
But the earl did not confine his defensive operations to the land. He had also a naval force about which contemporary writers speak with enthusiasm, one styling it " great," 71 and another " the ever-active and efficient navy." 72 The principal vessel seems to have been a king's frigate, called the Elizabeth, which was under the command of Captain Bartlet; 68 the rest of the " navy " consisted chiefly of long boats with 16 oars and 2 guns, which were under the command of Captain Bradshaw.72 At first the fortunes of war went against the earl, one of his vessels being captured, early in 1643, by the " Parliament ships," 73 but, later on in the same year, his privateering on the parliamentarians in the Channel caused them some loss.74 In the following March, however, the insular navy performed more glorious feats by overcoming on one occasion no less than five Parliamentary men-of-war, and, on another, by defending the Calf of Man against the attack of three of them. 75 On the earl's departure in August, 1651, the Parliament's vessels " infest " 76 the coast, and, on the arrival of its troops three months later, " several! ships" of the Manx Navy were seized, also " two captaines," designated as " Pirates," as well as "about forty other men.'' 77
Let us now briefly refer to the earl's affairs in aThaie England. Since June, 1643, his wife and children Angle had been left at I`atham House, which had been fortified and supplied to withstand a siege; it was soon to experience one, being invested by Fairfax on the 27th of February, 1644. On hearing this the earl left the island, and, " on his arrival at Chester, wrote to Prince Rupert imploring his assistance." 78
It was not, however, till the 27th of May that Rupert approached Latham, when its assailants raised the siege, during which they " lost more than 500 and the garrison only six men." 79 The next day the Royalists, under the prince and Lord Derby, captured Bolton after a sharp engagement. In July, the earl was present at the battle of Marston Moor, 80 and afterwards went to Man, where he found the countess and their children. During his absence, troubles had again arisen.
There had been an intention of getting up a petition with reference to various grievances, but this purpose was abandoned on the advice of William Christian, of Knockrushen, 81 who remarked that " a petition will do no more good than a straw," 82 but that, if the governor and comptroller were shut up, " tree might then gett released," 82 and that then they might obtain what they wanted. It would seem from this that the unpopularity with which the earl's government was undoubtedly regarded, on account of the change in the land tenured! and the heavy taxation,83 was mainly directed against his officers, not against himself. This probably resulted from his judicious behaviour in being civil to the people and not and appearing personally in any unpopular proceedings.
Indeed, according to Blundell, though he was regarded with "fear and reverence," he was " very popular." 85 We think, however, that Blundell's statement must be an exaggeration, inasmuch as, in 1648, a nephew of William Christian, the receiver-general, 86 was overheard to say: "if ever the Earle sailed for England, he was sure they would never suffer him to land in that island again as he had used the inhabitants so badly"; 87 and, in 1650, the earl himself records a mysterious occurrence, which also tends to show that he was regarded with ill-feeling: " I escaped," he says, " a great danger of being killed in a Mankes Boat comings from Captaine Bartlet's Ship 88 at Derby Haven, a shot being made from the saide Shipe (whether by chance or no is doubtful!). It was as is pretended a mistake of one peice for another, but it was charged with Muskett Bullets, peices of Iron, &c., which killed my dear friend Mr. Rich. Weston and a man that rowed, and wounded Colonell Snead in a greviour manner, and I sitting in the midst of them escaped by the great goodness of Almighty God." 89
To return to William Christian (of Knockrushen) He was, in August, 1644, summoned before the Court of General Gaol Delivery and was charged with treason. He was, however, acquitted and released from prison, but six others, most of whom were members of the Keys, were fined for " a foule error against the Government."90 All was now quiet again. Indeed the earl had so many troops in the island that any revolt would have been hopeless. At the end of this year, he received a letter from the "Lord's Committee" promising that, if he would deliver up certain prominent Cavaliers to them, they would do their best " to procure "91 his " reconciliation with the Parliament."90 To this letter he vouchsafed no reply. Except for a brief period in the autumn of 1644, when he was present during part of the second siege of Latham House, and an expedition to England in the spring of 1651, he remained in the Isle of Man from August in that year (1644) to the same month in 1651.
During that time, in addition to considerable literary labours,92 he applied himself to providing for the adequate defence of the isle, to endeavouring to settle the vexed question of the tenure, and to directing Church affairs. We also find him contemplating the extension of insular trade,93 and the establishment of a Manx college.94 He and his countess held a mimic court at Castle Rushen, where they entertained their Cavalier friends 95 and Manx subjects with masques and plays.96 It is remarkable that it was not till the summer of 1649 that he was formally required by the Parliament to surrender the island.
To this request he replied, on the 12th of July, that, if they troubled him " with any more messages "97 he would " burn the paper and hang the bearer."97 This letter was followed by a declaration concerning his resolution " to keep the Isle of Man, for his Majesty's Service, against all force whatever,"98 which was written by the advice of Sir Marmaduke Langdale and Sir Lewis Dives, who had been commissioned by Charles II. to assist him in keeping Man "by counsel! and personall service."98 In this document, which was issued on the 18th of July, he invited all his allies, friends, acquaintance and tenants " and all other His Majesty's faithful and loyal subjects, to repair to this island, as their general rendezvous and safe harbour, where they shall receive entertainment, and such encouragement as their several qualities and conditions shall require; where we will unanimously employ our forces to the utter ruin of these unmatchable and rebellious regicides, and the final destruction of their interests both by land and sea." 98 The Parliament's only reply was, in September, to present Man to Fairfax. In January, 1650, Lord Derby was elected a knight of the Garter and, in the same year, he was selected by Charles II. to command the forces of Lancashire and Cheshire in the projected royalist insurrection. It is curious that Parliament made no serious attempts to gain possession of Man till March, 1651, when their ships were, as already related, overcome by the naval forces of the earl. In April of this year, Lord Derby went to England, taking some soldiers with him. Their number is not mentioned, but, seeing that after their departure the weekly assessment was only one quarter of what it had been, they probably amounted to three-fourths of the insular establishment.99
In July, he was again in the island making preparations for a departure from it which was to be a final one. Among other steps to secure its defence during his absence, he sent " a boat for Ireland and a man tc seek out Sir Thomas Armstrong," whom he put in command of Peel Castle,100 and, on the 6th of August, he signed a commission empowering the countess tc act for him in every respect. 101 On the 12th of August in accordance with an arrangement "betwixt the yong king and the Earl of Darbie then in the Isle of Man that hee with all those men of esteem that were fled thither for safetie as alsoe all the Force the Earle could make should meet him in England about such a tyme—which was August,"102 he sailed to England.
His fleet consisted of either seven of nine ships,103 with which he " landed upon Friday in the morning, the (11th) of August, and cast anchored upon the North syde of the river Wyre upon Prissa sands, over against Rossal Warrant." With him " besides men of qualitie," were " some 300 Manks Souldiers."104 On the 26th, he came into collisior with a more numerous parliamentary force under Lilburn near Wigan,105 and got the worst of the fray though his troops fought " stoutly and with much couradge." 106 The contemporary observer already quoted says that, after the fight, " the Manks Souldiers which the Earle brought with him, being pore naked snakes were scattered up and down the country and being set to work in some places proved very false and treacherous to their masters; ant always where they could stole away from theta masters into the Island againe that within no long time there were not any of them to be seen.", This, being interpreted, probably only shows that the Manx who, he admits, fought well, were poorly clad, and devoted, as they always have been, to their native country.
After this affair at Wigan, the earl joined the King at Worcester and, sharing in the decisive defeat of the Royalists there, on Septembe: 3rd, was captured in the retreat and confined in Chester Castle.
His trial by court-martial 107 soon followed and, in accordance with its verdict, notwithstanding his petition to Parliament and his open recommendation 108 to the countess to surrender Man, he was executed at Bolton on the 15th of October.
In reviewing the character and proceedings of the earl of Derby," says his anonymous biographer, " it is impossible not to regard him . . . as an honourable, brave and high-minded man, sincere in his loyalty, devoted in his patriotism and unsullied in his actions."109 In his private life, as exhibited in his letters to his wife and children, he was most amiable; and in his public life, in the Isle of Man, he seems to have been genuinely anxious to promote the true welfare of the people,110 provided that it did not interfere with his own somewhat masterful and autocratic policy. Walpole considers him " the most striking figure that had yet arisen in insular history," and writes of him as follows: "The character of the seventh Earl of Derby is evident from his actions, his writings, and his laws. A man who lived in Stuart times could hardly be expected to be a perfect ruler. In his miniature stage he aped the manners of his own monarch, and quenched opposition by securing his opponents in gaol. Yet he did much to remedy the abuses he found. A strong Churchman, he restricted the exactions of the Church; and he strove, after the fashion of his time, to maintain order by severe punishment of crime. His land laws are stamped with the fault that they were based on the principles which perhaps found favour in the seventeenth century with great landowner. They left a legacy of hate, which explain the revolt of the island after his death, and which was not extinguished till the laws themselves were abrogated by a later successor. In other respects he did good work, and did it with the best intention. He was careful in the choice of his ecclesiastics and his officers, gracious in his manner, princely in his expenditure; he had courage which made him worthy of his heroic wile, loyalty which deserved a better sovereign, intelligence which would have been useful on a wider stage. His defects were perhaps the defects of his age; his virtues were his own; and so even those who dissent from his policy may agree in according to him the title, by which Manxmen still know him, of the great Earl of Derby."111
"Captayne Edward Christian late Sergeant-Major of the Land fforces of this Island and Receiver-General stands charged with severall and many most mutenous and dangerous combinations and practices, conspiracies and strange misdeameanrs against the peace of our Souraigne Lord ye Kinge and the Lord of the Island."
Then follow the specific charges against him:—
" He hath framed and contrived a new form of government whereby his desire was that the xxiiij keys now in use and for many generacons and ages reputed as the fathers and deffenders of the bodyes goods and estates of the people, should bee quite rejected and displaced as evill members and enemys to the State and comon good of the Islande. And that a new xxiiij should bee chosen . . . in the seuerall parishes by the people and that the man chosen in his parish for to be one of the xxiiij, should be sworne by his parishioners on the alter in the parish church after service and the oath followings to be given him— you shall sweare that to the best of your power you will doe all that in you lyeth for the general! good of the Isle and people thereof and that you will not at any tyme gine your consent to any thinge that may any way bee predindicall or hurtfull to the eountrey or people in general! or to any man partienler contrary to Law sac helpe you God. After all this the said xxiii) shall every yeare in the ehappell or the Tynwald hill take another oath of his the said Capt. Christians devisinge and contrivings in these words. You shall sweare to the utter" most of your power you will mantayne the antient Lawes eustomes and eonstitucons of the eountrey such as are now in force and use for the good thereof; you shall sweare that as much as in you lyeth you doe repeate and make voyd all such lawes and customer as are now in force and used amongst us but ill and preiuditiall to ye eomon good, which hath too longe beene in use amongst us to our utter undoeinge; you shall and will sweare that in their place you shall and will endeauvr to make such wholesome Lawes as that thereby the people may be comforted and relieved. . . You shall sweare that as often as you conceive that things are not rightly carreyed in Courts of justice either spiritual! or temporal! or in the government that
in all such eases you peticonthegouernment to appoint you & day of hearings, and you then offer such things as you conceive aggreavanees contrary to Laue, that soe the Gouernor wit the rest of the officers and the 24 may take such course therein as shall bee thought best.... That in the same way of his devises the deemsters might bee chosen out of this xxiiij. Three of them to bee chosen by the country end 'theire names psented to his Lordshipp. He may prieke but one of them for deemster, and the other is to be at theire owne ehoiseinge, and when they are thus made, yet onet in three yeares these deemsters must bee disehardged of theire places for xxx dayes in which tyme eny man shall be at libertie to eomplayne and give in artiekles of greveances injustice oppressions or any others wrongs whatsoere against them, wherein the xxiiij shall sitt as Judges.... That he the said Edw: Christian haveinge gayned and procured to bee Sergeant Major and takeinge the opportunitie of a eontroversie newly begun betwixt the elergie and eomonaltie about their matters of tythes, hath mightely laboured and continued to disturb the peace and government of the Island by advisinge eountenancinge and encouraginge of the people in that matter against the Clergie and proctors of this Lande, insomuch as a great number of the poore ignorant people, not thinking or understandings of his wicked inteneons and designs, have rune themselves into diva and sundry most dangerous errors and inconveniences to the forfeiture of theire bodys and goods. That he being a prineipaH officer and sworne to bee aydinge and assistinge to the Gouernor and rest of the lords eounsell for the furtherance of iustiee . . . yet he being many times called and required by the new Gouernor of the Island to appeare at Courts of Judicature and diners assemblys . . . nevertheless he did not only wilfully absent himselfe but eontrariewise he directed or (at least) well liked of ye mutenous assembly of ye people. . .
" That he the said Edward Christian countenanced and ineouraged the people against the elergie and told them that they should pay noe tythes and that he would deffende them in with standinge the same, and that not in a leg&ll manner (by course of law) but by force and violence....
" That he the said Edward Christian . . . did most seditiously in answers to some discontented partyes which came before him at the eampe to eomplayne of theire neighbours that would not ioyne with them in their rebellious courses publiekly say, what should they doe but make butts for theire peaces of such as
would not ioyne with them by which his seditious and dangerous inoouragement many of the people were persuaded that every thing should goe with them by the strange hande against the rowle of any Gouernment.
" That he . . . did . . . exanimate the soldiers and people undere his eomande that they should kill the priests.
" That he might the better enable himselfe to out-face and affront the governor and governments . . . he did . . . assume unto himself the chieffe power and con-lance of the cheiffe forte and garrison of the Island—Castle Peele—and of the Forces and amunicons therein and gave orders that the officers and souldiers thereof should obey him . . . and sende him powder and amunicon whersoever and whensover he should require it we" accordingly was done.
" By administering an unlawful oath to the parishioners of Patrick and German he got them into a mutenous combustion and tumult so that he might by theire assistance possesse himselfe of the said Castle and Forces of Peele, which if he had see done then with the ayde of the two parishes of the companyes which he had then already mustered and provided for the campe at Lane-more-foot having thither brought and conveyed all ye best armes of ye countrey, he might easily have forced the governor and government of the Islande to what inconvenience he pleased . . . and have delivered the whole Island and People thereof to the invasion of some Moraine enimie in these dangerous and distracted tomes.... And this his most damnable purpose he had most surely brought to effect had not the right honk the lord of the land come when he did into the Islande. That after this when his lordship was happily come amongst us and had sumoned the people to appeare at Peeletowne upon the 18th day of July last, where all the officers Spirituall and Temporall were assembled with the 24 keyes of the lance and 4 men out of every parish . . . the said Edward Christian did by sedicous motions and pposic~ons in open Courte (and before the sittings of the courts at Creg Malin Greene) goe about to dinerte and eontradiete soe that his Lordship was forced to cheeks and publickly rephrehende . . . him . . . but he . . . nothinge regardinge his honor's words of reprehension . . . went out into the Toune, and in the ehureh~yarde and other places in the said tonne assembled unto him diners of the people and then he tould them that they had undone themselves (by submitting to the Lord). That he . . . was a disaffected man towards his majestic (and the Lord of the Isle) saying that his Lordship had taken a wronge course in leavings Parliament.
" That he . . . while he was Receiner and & pryme officer . . . did execute and committ divers tyrannical Beckons of oppression and rapine ouer the people of the Islands . . . and said that lett the deemsters give what they would for lawe, he would doe what he list, and that he eared not for the lawe or the Records. In fine, all the troubles, seditions ete. were set on foot by him
Such were the charges, and on hearing them read " at a Courte houlden at Castle Rushen. Upon Wednesday the 13th of Decr. 1643 before John Greenhalgh . . . and the rest of the officers whose names are subscribed.... Wee of the 24 Keys of the Islande whose names are subscribed . . . doe finde and present upon oure oathes that the sayd Ed: Christian hath most seditiously and tumultuously behaved himselfe against the peace of oure soveraigne lord the king's m&jestie of Englande and the lord of the Islande, and the established Gouermnent of the same . . . and therefore and for such his misdeameanours as in these exaceons apeareth, and his owne confession and acknowledgment of the papers written with his owne h&nde; we finde and leave the said Edward Christian worthy of seveare fine and ymprissonment: And forsoemuch as cloth or may concerns his majestic . . . the kinge of Englande or his lawes there, wee leaue and forbears to say to it, but refere him in that respect to his majestic and his lawes there." Here follow their names, and the sentence which was:—
" Upon the readinge of the chardge and of the examinacons of the witnesses taken ffor prooffe thereof and upon the presentmt of these of the 24 Keys who have subscribed their names, we thearefore ffor the grease and manifest misdemeanours of the said Edward Christian doe &dindge and censure him the said Edward Christian in one thousand marker nine to bee levyed on the lands tenements goods and chattels of the said Edward Christian to the use of the most honise the Lord of the Island. And his bodie to perpetual imprisonment or untill tree shall be relapsed by the said Lord of the Islande."
" (Signed) JOHN GREENHALGHE
JOHN STEVENSON
EWAN CHRISTIAN ~ WIEB SI1YTH
ROBERT QUAIEE ~ JOPIN CANNED
ROBERT CALCOTT (and 16 of the 24 Keys.)"
It is impossible to say whether Christian was a Bone-fide reformer, or whether his actions were inspired by hatred of the earl. It is remarkable that there is no mention of the burning question of the land tenure in the trial.
They were divided into pikemen and shotmen.:* The pikemen wore a steel morion on the head, a gorges on the neck, a pike-proof cuirass, close jointed plates of armour on the thighs, and from the neck down to the elbows. Their pikes were made of ash headed with steel and were about 15 feet long. They also carried broadswords. The shotmen, or musketeers, had a similar dress. Over their shoulder they had a Gondolier of broad leather containing a dozen eharges in horn or wooden eases. Their muskets had barrels 4½ feet long, and they carried a rest from which they could fire without stooping. The cavalry consisted of cuirassiers, carbineers, and dragooners. The cuirassiers wore a good deal of defensive armour, and each of them carried a sword and two pistols. The carbineers carried a short gun and a sword. The dragooners were a kind of mounted foot-soldier. They wore an open head-dress with cheeks and a buff coat with skirts. Their gun, called a dragoon, was 16 inches long in the barrel and had a full musket bore. It worked on an iron swivel attached to a leather belt, which was buckled over the right shoulder and under the left arm. They had also swords. They were formed into troops of 110 men each, as one man in every ten had to hold the horses when the others fought on foot. The officers of the troop were a captain, lieutenant, and cornet.
* The insular Records contain accounts of payments both for muskets and pikes.
" To all people to whome theise presents shall come.
" Knowe yee that uppon the espetiall trust and confidence which I, the saide Earle, have and repose in the knowne wisdome and courage of you Dame Charlotte de la Tremoille my dear and wellbeloved wife, have thought good (espetiallie in theise dangerous tymes), for the better safetie of this Isle and countrey, and of my castles, ffourtes, and garrisons therein, to nominate and appointe, and I doe hereby nominate and appointe you in my place and steade (being readie by God's assistanee to advance with my fforees for England uppon his Majestie's service), to order and dispose of all and everie the fforces of this Island, and the officers and soldiers thereof of what degree whatsoever, as to your wisdome shall be thought meete: Willinge and comandinge all officers in commission or otherwise to bee obeynge aidinge, and assistinge to you uppon your comande, and uppon anie your dislike or displeasure on indicious cause found against any of them to displace and dischardge such like officer and officers, soldier and soldiers, from the exercise of their further duties in this Islande, notwithstandinge anie my further eomission or eomissions given or granted to them or anie of them, and new officer and offceers, soldier and soldiers (at your good likinge) from tyme to tyme to make and ordaine by eomission under your hand and scale of armes, or otherwise, in as full and ample maner to all intents and purposes as I in my owne p'son might, could, or should make and ordaine the same. Moreover I doe hereby give you power uppon occasion of invasion, rebellion, or the like, to raise anie army or armyes by your selfe or by your officers, and them to continue in order (or otherwise), soe longe and in what place or places you shall thinke meete; and with power to kill, imprison, or otherwise to punish enemies accordinge to your good discretion, and power likewise to pardon and forgive all such of them whome you thinke worthie of itt. Ffarther alsoe I doe hereby give you full power and authoritie (in my absence) to dispose of, place, or displace all officers of this Island spiritual! or temporal!; and free p'don of liffe, member, and goodes to all dellinquents (after judgment given) to give and grant at your will and pleasure under your hand and scale or otherwise. Given under my hand and scale of armes, at Castle Rushen, the sixth day of August, in the third yeare of his Majestie's raigne over Great Brittain, &c., and Ano. Dni. one thousund six hundred ffiftie-one, 1651.—J. DERBY." *
* Manx soc.' vol. xxvi. pp. 105-6.
1 Eldest son of William, the sixth earl, by Elizabeth daughter of Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford.
2 For full information about his career, especially when it was not immediately connected with the island, see Chetham Soc., vols. lxli., lxvi., lxvii., and lxx.
3 " S. P. Dom. Ser. Car. I." (Chetham Soc., vol. lxvi. p. viii.) 231
4 See p. 226, and Manx Soc., vol. xii. p. 78.
5 Lady of Latham. a. 24.
6 In 1628 Lord James was summoned to the House Of Lords as Baron Strange and was made Lord Lieutenant of North Wales.
7 Or Edmond. His name is sometimes written in one way, sometimes in the other.
8 Statutes, vol. i p 8,2;
9 According to a deed in the Record Office
10 Chaloner (Manx Soc., vol. x. p. 8) says he " was employed in command at sea by the East Indy Co."
11 "S P. Dom Jac I", chap. 20
12 MS. letter in Records, dated January 11, 1634.
13 " S. P. O. Dom. Corr." (Mann Soc., vol. ix. pp. 140-1). It would seem that the charge against him was one of '` trucking with a pirate." This charge was brought by Captain James, of H.M.S. Lion's Whelp in a report to the Lord Deputy of Ireland, Sir Thomas Wentworth, dated October 16, 1633. His report, together with a letter from Christian, dated October 4, 1633, in which he stated that the alleged pirate had a properly signed letter of masque, was, on the 23rd of the same month, sent by the deputy to " Mr. Secretary Coke," in London. On the 8th of November, the deputy forwarded further proof of the charge, and asked that there might be " a severe hand held " upon Christian; and, on the 20th, the secretary replied, " I will also give you account what order shall be taken with Captain Christian, Governor of the Isle of Man, whose trucking with pirates is not to be endured." Then the summons referred to in the text followed. (Letters and Despatches of Sir Thomas Wentworth, London, 1793, vol. i. pp. 118, 126, 131, 136, 154, and 158.) These are given by T. Talbot in the Manx Sun.
14 In June, 1637, he signed an Act of Tynwald in that capacity, Stututes, vol. i. p. 90.
15 He was probably a relative of Sir Charles's. On the 28th of July, 1639, Sir Ffoulks Hunckes was appointed governor.
16 Manx Soc., vol. iii. p. 40.
17 See p. 880.
18 " Ffarington Papers," p. 57 (Chethaqn Soc., vol. lxvi. p. lx.).
19 Heath''s Chronicle, p. 454 (Chetham Soc., vol. lxvi. p. lxxi.).
20 Derby (Manx Soc., vol. iii. pp. 12-13).
21 " The Earle of Darbie with a few horse . . . went into the Isle of Man " (Chetham Soc., vol. lxii. p. 37).
22 John Greenhalghe, who had been appointed in July1640
23 Rotul.
24 The same rank as the present major.
25 Lib. Scacc, The number of the foot militia, according Chaloner, writing in 1656, was "about 1,500 ready upon occasion " (Chaloner, Manx Soc., vol. x. p. 55). His further statement that " in case of necessity, I believe they might arm 5 or 6,000 men," would certainly seem to be an exaggeration.
26 See p. 261
27 Rotul
28 Rotul
29 See p. 261.
30 Derby (Manx Soc., vol. iii. pp 14-15).
31On the 15th of June (Chetham Soc., vol. lxx. p. 4)
32 Derby (Manx Soc., vol. iii. p. 33).
33 Ibid., vol. iii. p. 25.
34 Ibid., vol. iii. p. 26.
35 Derby (Manx Soc., vol. iii. pp. 26-27).
36 Statutes, vol. i. p. 92. The proceedings at this meeting and at Castle Rushen in the following October will be discussed elsewhere.
37 Derby (Manx Soc., vol. iii. p. 28).
38 Ibid., pp. 31-2.
39 Ibid., p. 34.
40 Statutes, vol. i. p. 92.
41 Ibid., vol. i. pp. 92-3.
42 Derby (Manx Soc., vol. iii. p. 35).
43 Derby (Manx Soc., vol. iii. pp. 35-6).
44 In Appendix A will be found copious extracts from the depositions taken at Christian's trial. These are given as throwing a vivid light on the state of affairs at the time. They were written on a number of large rolls of paper, and are not bound up among the ordinary records at the Rolls Office..
45 See p. 261.
46 See p 262
47 Christian remained in prison until November, 1651, when he was released by Duckenfield. We hear nothing further of him till October, 1659, when he was concerned with Lieutenant Hathorne and others in the plot against Governor Chaloner (see p. 277). He was again confined in Peel Castle in January, 1660, and remained there till September of the same year. In that month he was let out for a few days to plead personally in a suit, but was sent back again, and died there on the 19th of January, 1661. On the 22nd of the same month he was buried in the churchyard of Maughold, his native parish.
48 Derby (Manx Soc., vol. iii. p. 36).
49 Derby (Manx Soc., vol. iii. p. 36).
50 Statutes, vol. i. pp. 94 and 99. Some of these were prevented from coming by the severity of the weather.
51 See pp. 88~3.
52 This seems to have been in addition to the unpaid forge of four horsemen from each parish (see pp. 331-2).
53 This was just the same pay as a " dragooned " received in England.
54 Lib. Scacc. The proportion charged on the clergy seem unduly large.
55 Ibid. Garff shedding is not mentioned.
56 Lab. Scacc.
57 This was a special appointment.
58 Lib. Scacc. and Waldron (Manx Soc., vol. xi. pp. 80-1).
We must suppose that the word " army " was not used in the modern sense
59 See Appendix B.
60 The earl seems to have experienced considerable difficulty in arming the troops he took to England in August, 1651, for, in a letter to Sir Thomas Tyldesley, he mentions that he had not received as many arms as he expected, and that " divers of them we have must go into St. Bryde and St. Andrew's parish, in the stead of others which were lately taken from them. And," he continues, " I would not have any excuse among this people, as that they could not defend this country by reason I had disarmed them to fit myself elsewhere " (Chetham Soc., vol. lxvi. pp. clxxiii-iv, quoting Cary, vol. ii. p. 322).
61 Blundell (Manx Soc., vol. xxv. p. 52).
62 Ibid. (Manx Soc., vol. xxv. p. 92).
63 Ibid., p. 90.
64 Ibid`., p. 89.
65 Lib. Scacc.
66 This had a diameter of 5 2 in., was 11 feet long, and carried a 17 lb. ball.
67 This had a diameter of 4.0 in., was 11 feet long, and carried a 9lb ball
68 Lib. Scacc.
69 It is 144 feet long by 120 feet wide, with bastions, about 48 feet square on the top, at each corner.
70 Chaloner (Manx Soc., vol. x. p. 56). It may be noted here that in the Register of the parish of East garnet, in 1644, is the following entry: " The Town of Douglas, in the Isle of Man, burnt by Turkish pirates Collected £1 7s.6d.)." The collection was presumably for the relief of the inhabitants of Douglas. The " Turkish " pirates were probably Algerine corsairs. There is no mention of this Occurrence in the insular Records, so it must be regarded as doubtful.
71 " Ffarington Papers," p. 156 (Chetham Soc., vol. lxvi. p. elxu). These must have been very speedily equipped, as Blundell, who was in Man between 1642 and 1648 wrote: " There is neither man nor ship that may be called a man of war . . . nor any bark above 30 or 40 tons at most " (Manx Soc., vol. xxv. p. 82).
72 Moore, Rental, Introduction, p. xx (Chetham Soc., vol. lxvi. p. clvi).
73 Derby (Manx Soc., vol. iii. pp. 12-13).
74 The account of one of these exploits is given in the Exchequer Book: " In June, 1650, three merchant ships arrived off Castletown and were ordered to strike downe sayle for the kinge," but they replied that " they cared not for the kinge, nor would they strike style." In consequence of this a boat with armed men was sent out from the castle, who captured the ships after a short fight (Lib. Scacc.).
75 Ibid.
76 Lady of Latham, p. 162.
77 " Journal of the House of Commons," Nov. 6, 1651.
78 Add. MSS., No. 18, 981. Brit. Mus. (Chetham Soc., vol. lxvi. pp. xcviii—G).
79 Journal of the Siege, p. 67 (Ibid., p. cvii).
80 Ibid., p. czvi.
81 He had been imprisoned in the previous October.
82 Lib. Scacc.
83 See p. 880.
84 See pp. 325-6.
85 Blundell (Manx Soc., vol. xxvii. p. 46).
86 See p. 266
87 Lib. Scacc.
88 She was the earl's own ship and was probably largely manned by Manxmen.
89 Diary (Chatham Soc., vol. lxx. p. 4). There is also in account of this in the Malew Register; see Manx Note Book, vol. ii. p. 75.
90 Lib scacc. It would seem that they had been concerned in some seditious proceedings during the earl's absence.
91 S. P. Dom. Interrgn. p. 95 (Chetham Soc., vol. lxvi. pp. cxxi-ii).
92 See Chetham Soc., vol. Ixvu. pp. cccvii-cccxi for list of them. They are mostly of a devotional character, but there it also a Common-Place Book, Book of Anecdotes, &c., and his " Discourse concerning the Government of the Isle of Man,' already referred to.
93 See pp. 313-14 and 317.
94 See p. 366. He also helped promising youths to go to the English Universities. Thus, in 1631, he gave " unto Wm. Langley sons unto my servant Matthias Langley, Constable of my Castle of Rushen, ye yearlie pay or poncoon of six pounds, towards his education in ye University of Cambridge " (Lib. Irrot). His example was followed by Lord Fairfax, who gave " Will Norris £10 towards his maynteynance in the university [name not mentioned] for fouer years now next ensuing," and, in 1658, John Christian received £20 from him, being " endowed with competency of learning and now fitly qualified for the university for his increase of further knowledge " (Lib. Irrot).
95 " Lord Digby, Earle of Niddisdaile, Earle of Carnwath, Sir Marmaduke Langdale, Sir Wm. Huddlestone," &c. (Chetham Soc., vol. lxvi. p. cxxi).
96 "A.D, 1643. The Right Noble. James Earle of Derbie, and his Right Hobie Countesse invited all the Officers, temporal! and sperituall, the Clergie, the 24 Keyes of the Isle, the Crowners, with all theire wives, and likewise the best sort of the Inhabitants of the Isle, to a great maske, where the Right Hobie Charles Lo. Strange, with his traine, the Right Hobl Ladies, with their attendance, were most gloriously decked with silver and gourd, broidered worker, and most costly ornaments, bracellets on there hands, chaines on there necks, jewels on there foreheads, errings in there cares, and crowns on there heads; and after the maske to a feast which was most royall and plentifull with shuttings of ornans, etc. And this was on the twelfth day (or last day) in Christmas, in the yeare 1644. All the men just with the Earle, and the wives with the Countesse; likewise, there was such another feast that day was twelve moneth at night beinge 1643." Episcopal Register (Manx Soc., vol. xxi. p. 258).
97 MS. book of Earl James's writings at Knowsley, and " Manx Rebellion " (Manx Soc., vol. xxvi. Introduction, p. xxiv).
98 Quarto pamphlet, London, 1649.
99 Lib. Scacc. But for this entry we should be inclined to doubt his having been in England at this time, since the most diligent search has failed to discover any trace of him there before August (see Stanley Papers, Seacome, Clarendon, Baines History of Lancashire and History of Wigan)
100 Letter, dated July 25th, in Cary, vol. ii. p. 284 (Chetham Soc., vol. lxvi. p. clxvu).
101 See Appendix C.
102 Chetham Soc., vol. lxli. p. 70.
103 Ibid., p. 71, and vol. lxvi. p. clxxviii. Lingard (History of England, vol. viii. p. 153) says that he had " 60 horse and 260 foot."
104 Lady of Latham, p. 162.
105 " In a lane leading from Chorley to Wigan " (Lingard, vol. viii. p. 153).
106 Chetham Soc., vol. lxii. pp. 75-6.
107 The charges against him were: " That he had traitorously borne arms for Charles Stuart against the Parliament; that he was guilty of a breach of an Act of Parliament of the 12th of August, 1651, prohibiting all correspondence with Charles Stuart or any of his party; that he had fortified his house of Latham against the Parliament; and that he now held the Isle of Man against them." He was found guilty, and sentence of death was pronounced upon him (Seaeome, p. 173).
108 His death was, however, decided before his trial, as, on the 29th of September, Oliver Cromwell wrote to Colonel Rich: " Darbie will be tried at Chester, and die at Boulton " (Historical MSS. Commission, sixth report, p. 447); and yet Gardiner, Commonwealth (vol. i. p. 462) writes that his petition to Parliament was strongly supported by Cromwell.
109 Chetham Soc., vol. lxvii. p. ccxcii.
110 Though some of his methods were, as we have seen, decidedly tortuous.
111 The Land of Home Rule, pp. 142-3
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