[text of The Constitution etc by J C Bluett, 1844]

LETTER THE SECOND.

TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE ISLE OF MANN, WHETHER NATIVE OR OTHERWISE.

MEN AND BRETHREN,

The preceding letter was devoted exclusively to the purpose of disproving certain inconsiderate assertions concerning the " 24 Keys," and of showing (without pretending to be wise beyond what is written) what is really their Constitutional History, so far as the Records of this Island furnish materials to judge from. I now proceed to a more solemn consideration of the subject I. have taken in hand, and earnestly implore the blessing of Almighty God upon my endeavours. The desire to promote his Honour and Glory, and to save the Country from the evil of disregarding it, being the constraining motives for my conduct in this momentous crisis of this Island's affairs.

To those who think they can ensure temporal blessings by their own wisdom and exertions, whether God be pleased or not with the means they use, these pages are not addressed. But I do most earnestly invite the attentive consideration of every sincere Christian, who is taught by the Spirit of God that it is "righteousness which exalteth a nation," and that no worldly advantage ought to be sought for (even if sure to be attained) by the use of means which involve the probability, and still less if they ensure the certainty, of dishonouring God.

Disclaiming every other motive, as only secondary to this ruling desire of my heart, I propose to show,
That the Popular Election of the House of Keys, would, in all probability, involve the Country in an indefinite amount of sin and wickedness.

That heavy expenses must necessarily accompany the arrangements for an Elective Franchise ; and that those expenses can only be obtained by taxation of the People ; and that that taxation must fall with the greatest certainty on the Landed Interest.

That the temporal prosperity which some expect to be derived from it might be much better and more easily attained by the right use of the existing and legitimate means which our present Constitution affords.

That the efforts of the Reformers are more likely to terminate in the total destruction of our Constitution, than in the change of it as proposed ; and that the British Government, seeing that we do not revere our own Institutions, may treat them with contempt, and release themselves from all further trouble, by annexing us to some English County,

To proceed then with the subject.

There is a class of persons in the Island, who advocate the proposed change from the imagined " expediency" of the measure, the present system being, as they allege, altogether bad, and that the proposed new plan would be productive of the greatest good. This is an argument worthy of attentive consideration.

If it can be shown that it is indeed verily and truly expedient to effect the change proposed, because (as is alleged) the present system is, beyond all doubt, full of positive evil, and the new one would equally, beyond all doubt, be productive of positive good, and if after much mature deliberation, and with a perfect knowledge of both sides of the question, the great majority of the thinking and reflecting part of the population, who have really some Interest at stake in the Country, and something of their own to lose ; if the majority of these parties should come to that conclusion; then (if the British Government would consent to it, of which a word or two by and by) then I would say, let the change be made in compliance with their wishes ; the minority who think differently, must endeavour to hope they were mistaken and to look for happier results, and less dishonour to God than their fears and their experience led them to prognosticate. But before the Manx Public are induced to make so important a decision, which once made cannot be undone again, it is but fair that they should have before them both sides of the question, to enable them to consider the grounds upon which others take a different view of the- case, and that whilst glowing pictures are presented to them, of the benefits to be expected from " Popular Election," supported by language the most exciting, and backed with promises the most alluring; some of its practical evils, and a detail of the horrible amount of wickedness that may be attendant upon it, should also be brought under their notice, stripped of such adventitious aids, and clothed, in the plainest and simplest language. Such is my present aim.

I proceed, therefore, to call the attention of the community, first of all, to many important facts attending "Popular Elections," of which the greatest proportion of the Inhabitants of this Island can have had no personal experience.

Apart from all other considerations, there is one feature of the case, which ought to engage the most deliberate reflection of every well-regulated mind. It is so fraught with evil, that every Man who fears God and loves peace and good order, .ought to bend to its consideration all the powers- of his reason, before; from any doubtful expectation of pecuniary advantage, he pluneges his Country into-a position, necessarily leading to intricacies of deceit he can neither unravel nor avoid, and: depths of sin he - can neither fathom nor prevent. In these latter observations I allude to the probable effects upon the morals of the community, which judging from the experience of Great Britain, we- may naturally expect to result from the practical working of the proposed system of Popular Election in this Country.

To the open violations of decency and order, to which -.I mean to refer, I speak as having been a frequent eye-witness; to the effects upon Families and Friends, I speak also from personal knowledge; and of the more secret practices of bribery, corruption, fraud, deceit, and perjury, I derive my knowledge from the published investigations of Courts of Justice and Committees of the House of Commons.

The plan proposed for your adoption by the Reformers, seems to be this:-That a law shall be passed, whereby it shall be enacted, that the House of Keys shall, for the future, be elected by the votes of the People; not all the People, (for our Reformers are not quite arrived at that excess of folly,) but some of them, duly qualified, under regulations to be fixed by the Statute to be passed for that purpose.

As the system of Popular Election is altogether new to the Island, and as we have no law to regulate such Elections, (which fact alone is an answer to those who assert that "the Keys were elected by the People,") it is fair to conclude, we should take the law of -England for our guide, so far as circumstances either required or will. admit of our doing so.

The Legislators of England, having had much experience of the usual attendants upon Popular Elections, such as the power of party spirit,-the corruption of human nature,-the temptation to evil,-and the tendency to riot and disturbance of the public peace, have felt it necessary in their various enactments regulating the Elective Franchise, and the exercise of it, to provide against the consequences of these concomitant evils ; and hence we find in that peculiar code of laws, penal enactments against bribery, perjury, and falsehood, awarding suitable punishments for those offences. And in the same Statutes are provisions contemplating breaches of the peace and riot!

Are Manxmen so infinitely superior to the people of Great Britain ?-are they of a nature so unlike human nature in every other country, that we may be quite sure there would be no fear here of bribery and corruption, fraud and perjury, deceit and falsehood, riot and disturbance amongst them, even if tempted to them ; and therefore such things ought not to be referred to-because not likely to occur?

Such reasoning would be absurd. Manxmen are like other men, and but for a party purpose no one would assume the contrary. If, therefore, we are to have an act to regulate an Elective Franchise, in that act we must define the crimes that act may lead to, and impose the punishment for their commission.

Here I would remark, that it should ever be a principle of Christian legislation to avoid, if possible, the creation of new crimes. It is one thing to enact a suitable punishment for an existing offence, but it is quite another matter to create a new crime, by a new law, which, from its nature, holds out the strongest inducement to the commission of it. Nothing but the most inevitable necessity for such a law, and the total failure of all other means to accomplish the object proposed by it, should lead to such an enactment.

But if the law in question is to be passed, why then every means must be provided for carrying it into effect, and other questions present themselves for our consideration. For example,. part of the plan is, that some of the people, duly qualified, are to have the right of voting depending upon the amount of lord's rent or house rent that they pay, or some other qualification connected with property. What is the necessary result of this ? A, determined to support his party, says he has a right to vote ; but B, being of an opposite party, denies that A is qualified. Who is to decide between them ?

The questions that arise concerning the "qualification" that entitles a man to vote, are of so varied and intricate a nature that extensive legal knowledge is necessary for their right decision.

In England the ordinary tribunals of the country, numerous and well-appointed as they are, have been found insufficient for the purpose, and Revising Barristers have been appointed to the duty. These officers must be paid for hearing the disputes, and, when heard, the costs also of their hearing, the various lawyers who may be employed, and the witnesses examined by the parties,. must all be paid, on both aides. Are we to have Revising Advocates ? At the threshold, as it were, of our investigation, what a pretty little field for contention, dispute, and expense is opened? What a, nice little embryo tax upon the people is offered to their cordial embrace ! To the lawyers, indeed, there will be abundant profit, but who is to bear the expense ? The People !

It remains to be seen whether there be virtue enough in the profession of the law to decline this offer of pecuniary advantage, and true patriotism enough to urge them, not only to resist the temptation held out to them, but to exert all their energies in opposing the unsubstantial theories that appear to be misleading so many.

Of all human institutions there is, probably, 'not one that has led to the developement of so many of the evil passions of mankind as the system of Popular Election. The laws made in England for their regulation, and now proposed for your adoption, contemplate, as a matter of course, as I have already mentioned, bribery and corruption to be the natural results, and therefore they declare them to be crimes, and award suitable punishment to the commission of them. Is this all ?- Would that it were ! But the law merely works upon the fears, it does not operate upon the consciences of men ; and hence with those who are not deterred by religious principles, or principles of honour, the object is, not to abstain from committing the offence, but to avoid detection ; and thus those who break the law, or intend to break it, are driven to the commission of other crimes, and trust to fraud, deceit, or perjury to escape punishment.

It is an essential attendant upon Popular Elections, that the community become divided in opinion, and hence comes a separation into PARTIES, and no one who knows anything practically of political partizanship but must admit, that there is a bitterness in it that cannot be surpassed by any other opposing interests, whatever may be their nature.

For the information of those in the Island who know nothing of an Election, I beg leave to describe the frequent course of proceeding in England. Do not suppose, however, that I mean to say that all the scenes and facts I am about to lay before you always take place in every election ; but every fact that I shall state has taken place in some one election or another, and the greater part of them are most frequent, and some of them of almost constant occurrence, such as riot, drunkenness, and confusion, and the destruction of private and public peace.

The first act in the drama of Popular Election, according to the best example we have before us, namely, the law of England, is preparing the Register of Voters, or list of persons qualified to vote in every town and parish.

It is not my intention to go into a detail of all the worst features attending an election. To do that would require a large volume, instead of a small pamphlet. It will be sufficient for my purpose to touch upon a few of them.

To prepare the necessary lists of voters, some-proper person or persons must be appointed in every parish before whom every man must enter his claim to vote. With us it might be the Churchwardens, or, perhaps, the Setting Quests,¹ but for one thing, namely, that they are " self-elected," and have been so time out of mind. However, no matter who they are, they must be paid. In England these lists are open to investigation, and become the subjects of yearly contention, before the Revising Barristers, whose business it is to hear in open court and determine all disputes that may be raised concerning the qualification of any voter who has entered his name on the list. The lists are printed and published, so that every man in the parish may see them. Any voter may object to the name of any other, and, upon notice given, try the merits before the Revising Barrister.

In England nothing can exceed the excitement, animosity, dissension, and bitterness of feeling that accompany the annual investigation. Every man's qualification is scrutinized and inquired into, with all the spirit-stirring energy of party jealousy, party animosity, and often, personal feeling. Whatever the nature of his qualification, the voter must support it by proof. His deeds, his documents, and the circumstances connected with his vote form the subject of inquiry in open court; and many a bitter quarrel and lasting feud are engendered by the investigation.

And let it be remembered, this occurs not once only, but every year.

Is the spirit of litigation so entirely suppressed in the Isle of Mann, that we may rest assured, the scenes which so often occur in England, will never disgrace our shores, and that if the Elective Franchise be granted, the annual Registrations will be inquired into with all mildness, gentleness, liberality, and love ! Or may we not rather expect, that the quietness and peace of our country homes may be destroyed for ever by these bitter annual contentions, where every man knows his neighbour, and for want of space must come in contact with him continually.

And here again I would ask, who is to bear the expense of all this? The Registering Officers must be paid,-the printing of the Lists must be paid,-the Revising Officers must be paid; and all the Lawyers and Witnesses engaged in the causes tried before them, must all be paid! And who is to pay them? The Parishoners ! by cess for the public expenses, and out of their own pockets for their legal disputes ; and remember they are annual expenses-they must come upon you every year.

Let us next suppose a contcatcd Election to take place in England. No sooner is this fact known, or even expected to occur, than committees are appointed to espouse the opposite interests of the contending "parties," for in England the whole community is divided into pawhes, and has been so for ages. The most prompt measures are immediately adopted, to enlist the most influential persons in the place in their favour. Some gentleman, either previously known to the Electors, or otherwise known to be of the "Party," is then invited to become the Candidate, and as soon as ever this selection is made, the most active exertions are commenced, to secure the votes of the Electors: and let it be remembered, that both parties are working against each other with all their power and might. A committee of management is formed to conduct the business of, the Election. An attorney is appointed, whose duty it is to attend to all the legal details of the matter, and to see, with the help of counsel's advice, (when required,) that nothing shall be done that will not be strictly within the letter of the law ; in other words, that will not stand legal investigation.

An active canvass then ensues, and the most strenuous efforts are made to obtain the favour of the Electors. This canvass consists in certain Members of the Committee visiting the Electors at their houses, to solicit their votes.

The motives of men, for their actions are various,-some act from pure principle, some from persuasion, and some from interest. This is the case with Electors, as well as other men, and accordingly it becomes necessary to reduce all those motives to the use and subserviency of "the party." The men of principle must be convinced,-the unsettled mind must be persuaded, and the covetous voter must be bribed!

The men of principle act from principle, and to them the best features of the case must be presented; but the wavering ores may act conscientiously also, and these must be persuaded. It is here that the exertions of the canvassers become important. The voter must be gained, and it is no drawback to the efforts of the canvassers, that in seeking to gain a voter over to their own "party," they lead him to act in opposition to his nearest relatives or clearest friends. He would make but a sorry canvasser, who would be deterred from seeking a vote, by the consideration that his success might interrupt the course of family peace, and weaken the ties of long cemented friendship. These are considerations rarely if ever entertained. The "party",-the interest of the "party,"-that is the paramount object-that accomplished the rest is little thought of, The bitter effects of party feeling upon family peace, is one of the frightful features of Popular Election. There is enough in the natural spirit of a man at all times, to produce amongst the members of the most affectionate families, differences of opinion and subjects of contention, even without any extrinsic causes of excitement,-but party feelings are never without these extrinsic causes. The spirit of "party" is a domineering and, of necessity, a restless spirit-it never can be quiet. The cause of the "Party" is not a thing of a day-it exists always-and must be continually kept up by the communion of its members, and the constant agitation of its interests.

In the nature of things, there is at all times a certain degree of influence in a landlord over his tenant, a creditor over his debtor, a customer over the trader, and a multitude of other similar connexions; in a word, in every independent over the dependant man, and for political purposes, all these influences must be reduced to usefulness, and made subservient to the ends and the objects of the "Party."

How often have I known families, bound together by every other tie of affection, but cursed with the bone of Political contention amongst them, compelled to seek refuge from its withering influences by a solemn agreement, that political subjects shall never be named or spoken of amongst them.

Is this a state of things, that any right thinking man would wish to introduce to mar the peace of our happy community. But a third set are also to be canvassed-the " Covetous Electors," Men who value their privilege as Electors, only according to the amount of money they can make of it, and of these I shall speak at length hereafter, for the subject is well worthy of your separate consideration.

Is this all then?-No, nor one-half. Not only must the Candidate of the party be exalted, but the opponent must be put down. The more estimable his character, the more dangerous to the party he is opposed to, and the more important it becomes to destroy his influence; and as almost all things are reckoned lawful in Electioneering warfare, if his present conduct and character be unexceptionable, his past history must be ransacked for something, at least, whereon to hang an accusation; and the bygone events of his youth, perhaps long since lamented, amended, atoned for, or forgotten, are raked out of the embers of oblivion, and are emblazoned before the public, with. all the bitter exaggerations which peculiarly characterise political animosity. Open charges, sly insinuations, or cutting gibes, called "Electioneering Squibs," are forthwith placarded on every wall, and suddenly the community discover that the man, who had previously been looked upon as a useful member of society, and, as such, enjoyed their respect and esteem, is represented to be no better than a -villain or a fool.

The man who has the ability to write, and has not the principle to prevent him writing a good Political squib, whether true or false, is an important help to a "party," and the fortune of a candidate has not unfrequently been determined by this mischievous instrument of party warfare.

At length the day of Election comes.-At the various Committee Rooms the utmost activity prevails-and whatever is required to be done is there resolved upon and set in motion. The utmost possible care being taken, that the candidate is not in any way connected with the course to be pursued, least, if returned, his seat should be endangered.

If the Election is to be hotly contested, the whole place becomes one scene of violent excitement, confusion, and disturbance.

Happily, the "Reform Bill," as it is called, has shortened the duration of these excesses, but still enough of evil remains to fill the reflecting and sober-minded with regret.

For the double purpose of dividing the mob usually attending these exciting scenes, and to shorten the duration of Elections, without abridging the right of voters, various polling Booths are erected at different places and distances, according to the number of Electors.

The immediate neighbourhood of each of these is a focus of tumultuous confusion, where men of all the various ranks and grades in life, from the nobleman to the labourer, assemble to witness the proceedings, or take an active part in them, seldom reflecting that they are mingled with all the thieves and vagabonds of the place, who eagerly avail themselves of the f thng opportunity to exercise their calling. In the conduct of this motley assemblage, rioting, lighting, swearing, and thieving are always leading features.

If the voters for the contending parties are nearly equal, and the issue doubtful, all means must be adopted to ensure success ; and amongst these, "stratagems" must be devised, to prevent voters from coming to the Poll, who can neither be persuaded nor bribed to forsake their "party."

Various as the ingenuity of man can suggest are the devices practised for this purpose.

I shall only mention one of the most cruel and the most heartless of these, and one that has been frequently practised. A letter is written from a distance by some pretended acquaintance, detailing to the voter the sudden and alarming illness, or some other grievous calamity, of some very near and dear relative, and requiring his immediate attendance. The unhappy voter loses not a moment, in hurrying to the scene of his expected affliction, and there, to his surprise, finds his beloved relative in health and peace_ A joyful_ revulsion of feeling; but the previous anxiety and distress-the expense and inconvenience he has been put to, only furnish a good subject of laughter in the " Committee Room." He cannot return in time to give his vote, and the end is accomplished. The ordinary feelings of humanity are smothered in the interests of the party.

These and the like are looked upon, boasted of, and received as capital jokes! but in reality what are they? Gross and nnjustifable frauds ; robbing a man by deceit of that which they cannot buy from him-his right to the free exercise of the Elective Franchise.

These plans serve for those that cannot be bought-but very different ones must be used for those that can.

And here, the mind of man (the ennahling blessing that distirguishes him from the brute,) is taxed to the utmost extent of its ability to accornplisla the end and escape the consequences of the act.

But antagonist powers in this feature of the case are brought into action, each suspecting, neither trusting the other. Both the buyers and the sellers of the votes want to be secure. The buyer fears to lose the vote that lie pays for, and the Elector fears to lose the money for which he sells the vote, and both fear the detection of the act, and are willing to join together so far in any plan of deception for their mutual security.

The desire of the parties is, to buy and sell the vote ; but the object to be accomplished is, so to manage the affair that the crime of bribery, within the letter of the law, shall be evaded, however it may be committed in the spirit of it. It must be ma- _

naged with such delicate nicety, that the voter may be able with a clear conscience (! ! !) to give his vote, and stand the scrutiny of a judicial investigation afterwards, if required.

It is not my intention to detail any of the plans for paying for a vote, without coming under the charge of "bribery," which have been brought to light by judicial investigations.

I content myself with stating, that, ia some cases, the bribery and corruption have been proved to be so great as to deprive the locality of its right to return a Member for the future, and to oust the sitting Member from his seat.

But to finish this detail, let us suppose the Election over, and the Member returned.

If the bribery has been badly managed-or confidence has been betrayed, (and who can expect any thing else from a man that sells his vote for money,) then the defeated parties may, after all, court an investigation of the manner of the sitting Member's return, and a Committee. of the House of Commons will be appointed to inquire into it.

And upon that, what ensues in the place where the Election occurred? Each party is immediately engaged in the design of screening the defects of their own voters, and detecting those of the opposite party. Every man's hand becomes armed against his neighbour.

The excitement of the Election, though more violent for the time, was, comparatively speaking, transient.

But this is of a more lasting character, and displays a more deep and bitter malignity.

The most especial searching and minute investigation is made into the registry and qualification of every voter. Every transaction connected with the Election is closely scrutinised and brought to light,-and all parties are actively engaged getting up evidence, to attack or defend their respective interests.

Manxmen ! I call upon you to endeavour to realise, in your own minds, what would be the effects of this in any of your own now quiet and peaceful parishes.

All the necessary evidence being at length collected,-then last of all comes the judicial investigation. Lawyers of talent are engaged on either side, to oppose each other, for their respective clients in this last arduous struggle for victory-witness examined against witness-and party strives against party; each endeavouring to conceal the true state of his own case, and broadly to expose that of his adversary.

In this investigation after truth,-how many guilty participators, knowing where it lies, watch its concealment with eager anxiety; but are they alone cognizant of the fact ?-1Vo, the eye of the Omniscient has been open to all that has passed,-and it is a serious consideration for any Christian mind to dwell upon, that His presence is, as it were, in an especial manner, invoked in every oath that is administered upon the occasion. Whatever may be the result by the adjudication of the legal tribunal, what is the verdict registered in Heaven? There the most tangled mazes of the deepest deceit offer no barrier to the penetrating light of God's immutable truth. The whole transaction, in its actual deformity, stands naked and bare, to abide the decision of the infinite wisdom and justice of the Creator.

I know that abundance of scoffers will be found to ridicule ail_ that I have said ulaon this subject; and to laugh at the idea of any reference to the Deity in- a political matter such as this; but I have more confidence in the right feeling of a large proportion, of the natives of this Isle.- I am persuaded, if time be given them to reflect, and means afforded them to judge of the probable effects of the intended measures, they will consider them in reference to their responsibility to their Creator. I believe, that amongst the people of the Isle of Man, there is a large-a very large proportion of Christians, of .various denominations, that are truly religious people ; and it is for this reason, and in this hope, that I have thus put before you, what I admit, nevertheless, is only a very brief and very limited statement of the frequent attendants upon Popular Elections in England; and if these statements be true, and there are hundreds, even in this Island, that can testify that so far from exceeding the truth, or exaggerating the facts, I have not told you the half of what has occurred; then I confidently ask you, what earthly consideration ought to induce you, of your own free will, even to run the risk (to say no more) of bringing much evil to your doors?

Can any or all of the parties who are now so eagerly urging you to change your Constitution,-can they so control the passions and the feelings of men under high excitement, as to ensure. to you, that the excesses which have arisen in other countries from Popular Election will never happen here

They will tell you with the most extraordinary confidence, and in the teeth of what is now passing before your eyes, that no such excitements are to be expected here. Look at the state of the country at this moment! Is it not now under a state of the most intense excitement by the activity of a party, lending all their energies to destroy what you ought most to value. And if once your community is divided, as it would be under the Elective system, and political feelings called into action, think you, no other party in furtherance of some scheme of their own, could raise you to a still, higher pitch of excitement--fill your whole, Island with party contensions-make your now peaceful hills and valleys then re-echo with the sounds of discord and strife, and leave the sober-minded and the quiet, to look back, with unavailing bitterness of regret, at the peace and happiness that they have rashly bartered, for what ?-for no earthly thing that can compensate for the loss.

Can you now, in the contemplation of this change, lay your hand upon any one solid advantage, and say-this at least I should be sure to gain.

It is the spirit of party that leads to the evil to be deplored. Under the excitement of party feeling, the party have done acts that individuals would shrink from with horror! But where a party is to bear the blame, "the blush of burning shame," that would crimson and scorch the cheek of an individual, spreads a tint so faint upon the many as scarcely to be seen, and not at all to be felt by any.

But, independent of all the danger of introducing so much that is offensive to God, and destructive of your own family and internal peace, there is another consideration, (a minor one, I admit,) but still one worthy of your attention. How are you to escape the inevitable expenses that will attend every branch of the proceedings'? Who is to pay them ? The answer is plain. Whoever else may be made to contribute, the Landed Proprietors-the owners of the broad acres that cannot be moved-these must bear the burden. Whoever else may, they never can shake it off. And what are you to get for it ? Examine, and find out, if you can, what solid advantage is the landed interest to derive from an Elective House of Keys ?

If there is a spot on the face of the whole earth, where contentment ought to exist, and gratitude to abound in the hearts of its inhabitants for the blessings they enjoy, it is the Isle of Mann Look at the nations of the earth, and compare your condition with any of theirs. Take even the most-to-be-envied of them all, my native land, England itself. In all her glories you partake-in all her prosperity you share. Whilst from all her troubles, whatever they be, foreign or domestic, you are entirely, free.-Under the ample protection of her mighty power, you sit at ease, and no foreign foe dare shake a finger at your peace. Her victorious army and navy protect your shores as well as her own ; and no portion of the heavy burthen of taxes, levied for their support, rests upon your shoulders. When Commercial distress brings ruin upon multitudes, and drives a starving population to outrage and excess, from the pinching calls of hunger and the goadings of despair-when political contention and party strife-intestine broils, and rebellious risings, shake the peace of that country to its very centre,-on your happy shores all is calmness, quietness, and safety. Freed from all taxes of any moment, you enjoy all the luxuries and necessaries of life, at prices very far below the neighbouring nations. No party spirit, or religious rancour here destroy your domestic peace, arming each man against his fellow, bursting the strongest tics of kindred and of friendship, and rudely tearin0 asunder the bonds of that social intercourse, which (next to communion with, his God) for us the chief happiness of man.

Why will you destroy this fair face of things? What are you to gain by it? You are used to be looked upon as a slow, cool, thinking people. Show forth these characteristics now. I ask you to think for yourselves. Let each head of a family call his family about him, and examine into this important question,

What are we going to do? What are we going to gain by destroying our ancient Constitution? Are we sure that we shall get a better one in its place? And even if that were so, what more could we obtain by an elective House of Keys, than by our ancient Constitution. Reflect on these things, and there can be no fear of your running into the danger that threatens ,you.

But suppose that, after due reflection, a fair majority of the People who arc really to be affected by the change, should be of opinion that it would be desirable. Are you sure that you are not reckoning without your host ?

Can you be certain, that the British Government will approve of the measure "? it would be the grossest presumption in me to say what they would do, but it is fair to consider what they might do, and the consequences of it.

The Crown of Great Britain now stands in the place of the Lord of the Isle, and no Law can be passed without the Queen's consent. The Crown has an absolute right to a voice in the matter, and if the People begin to interfere with the Constitution, the British Government may also be induced to interfere, and its notion, perhaps, may not agree with theirs. It is said that for many years past, the Government Offices have been continually troubled with memorials and complaints from individuals in this Island, seeking their own private ends.

But such troubles have not proceeded from parties in the Island alone ; persons out of the Island, jealous of our insular privileges, and in some cases affected by the abuse of them, have made complaints to the British Government, and have urged upon its consideration the singular anomaly of a small country existing in the very heart of the British dominions, and not governed by its Laws!

Questions have been put to the Ministers of the Crown in Parliament concerning our insular position, in reference to the Parent State, with no favourable views to us; and many other things have combined together, from time to time, to lead the British. Government seriously to contemplate our entire annexation to England ?

What has hitherto prevented it? I confess, I can imagine no other reason, than the impenetrable barrier of our Constitutional rights ! We are a Kingdom as ancient as the Kingdom of England itself! Our beloved Sovereign is not more Queen of England than she is our Queen! If the ancient Kings of Mann, from respect to the British Crown, laid aside the Royal title, it is at once to us, our glory, our boast, and our so safeguard that the long dormant title, is revived in the person of our Gracious Sovereign, and that the Queen of England is also Queen and Lady of Mann ; and amongst the millions of Great Britain and Ireland, more loyal hearts cannot be found to pay her willing homage than beat in the breasts of her 50,000 Manx subjects. Here then is our strength, our ancient Constitution, of which our Gracious QUEEN is the HEAD ; and as long as we respect that Constitution ourselves, who shall dare to touch it?

Small and insignificant as it may be, nevertheless our little State is a distinct jewel in the British iadem ; and if we are true to ourselves, who shall pluck it from its place ?

Here, then, (under the blessing of God,) is our strong-hold ; and if our enemies, who are envious of our peace and happiness ; (and be assured, we are not without many such) if these, I say, should stir up any Members of the British Parliament to complain to the Government, that so small a spot in the midst of the British dominions, should be allowed to retain such singular privileges, and inquire why the distinction is not done away with, the Minister of the Crown has this solid answer to give. "These which you call "privileges" are their Constitutional rights ! The Isle of Mann is an ancient Kingdom. Their Constitution has been handed down to them unimpaired for generations. The inhabitants are devotedly attached to it; and as they have received it from their fathers, they seek to transmit it to their children. True, their singular position occasionally gives us trouble, and is productive of some inconvenience, and if we choose to exercise an arbitary power, they have no means of resisting it. But it would be exercising the national power at the expense of the national faith and honour. And we cannot with justice commit such an outrage upon the feelings of the Manx People, merely because they are weak and defenceless."

This is the answer that might be given now ; but if led away by the evil spirit of the times and the restless anxiety for change, that, throughout the whole world, so peculiarly mark the period we live in, you let a new Law be passed and your ancient Constitution be altered by making the House of Keys elective ! what would the member then rejoin to such an answer from the Minister ?

" Sir, you are mistaken, the Constitution of the Isle of Mann " is not an ancient Constitution, but an entirely new one ; made by "themselves only a short time back. They do not respect their "ancient Institutions, but thoroughly despise them; they have "treated them with profound contempt, and altogether altered "them. They do not seek to hand them down to their children, "as they received them from their fathers; but are entailing "upon their offspring a new Constitution that their fathers never "heard of. There is therefore no reason, sir, in what you state " for not annexing them to England, and making them share "with us, all our burdens and all our taxes. Let them be "made equal to ourselves,-give them a voice in our Legislature, " annex them to so me English County,-let them partake of our "privileges, and share in all our blessings, Surely it can be no " disparagement to the Manx People, to incorporate them with " the British Nation."

Let arguments such as these be pressed upon the British Minister by influential members of his party, and disarmed as he would be of the strong defence that now protects us, how long could he resist such applications ; and let it once be determined to annex us to England, how easy would it be to effect the purpose?

The first step would be to appoint every Officer of the Council and the Governor also with a view to carry out the Government measure : and with an Elective House of Keys and the power of the Crown engaged to accomplish the object, how long would they be in getting such members returned to the House as would commit the suicidal act of dissolving the Constitution and voting our annexation to England ?

Look to Ireland ! and let the fate of that Parliament answer the question ! If the Irish nation was unable to maintain its independant Legislature, haw do you expect the Isle of Mann is to do it?

Once let the House of Keys become Elective, and it is easy to foresee that the downfall of your independence is scaled for ever ; and only a brief period indeed may elapse before you are part and parcel of the realm of England, with the privilege of having part of a voice in the Election of some English County Member. And that granted to you, what would follow, but the infliction of the same Taxes that the people of England groan under? Grievous enough to them ; but how much more so to you, my friends, who have hitherto been freed from such exactions?

Beware then how you make the first false step. You have a Constitution which has for ages resisted every attempt to undermine it or pull it down, for many attacks have been made upon it before now, all of which have happily failed, as I trust this will. You have an interest in preserving it entire, but the British Government has none. Put forth your hands rashly to help to pull down the first top stone of the building, and the rest will speedily be demolished without your assistance ; but as long as you retain your Ancient Constitution you never can lawfully be annexed to England ; and you have no reason to fear force from the honourable and enlightened principles of a British Government.

Beware then how you establish a new order of things, the results of which you cannot possibly foresee.

" Let pretty well alone" is a good and wholesome maxim, and before you are led to alter existing things you ought to be at least certain of some great and known advantage to be derived from the change, much more than adequate to what you lose. But what advantage is held out to you by the agitation of the present question ? Do you see any substantial benefit you are to obtain ? We read of "the rights of a free people," "the liberty of the subject," "groaning under slavery," "release from the yoke of bondage," "an oppressed people," &c., &c., and a multitude of -similar expressions, which, as applied to the people of this Island, are most palpably absurd; for a more free and happy, and until this hubbub, truly contented people, could not be found upon the face of the earth : notwithstanding all the pains that have been taken to persuade you that you are a most miserable, enslaved, wretched, and oppressed people ! But if each head. of a family will examine his own condition he will be constrained to acknowledge there never was less ground for such ridiculously inflated statements. But it is easier to persuade men to be discontented with God's dealings with then than to be grateful for them, and hence the agitators have great advantage in the exaggerated language which they address to your feelings : nevertheless, I am not without hope that simple and sober language will have its share of consideration.

But to return to the question, what are you to get by the change ? What do the Reformers promise you ? I will not stop to examine what they can perform, for that your own good sense will spew you at once is just-Nothing!-but what do they promise? The most alluring thing I see is something about wealth and prosperity flowing into the Island in some marvellous manner. Very indefinite promises I admit, but still agreeable enough to look at. But what is meant by them? If any thing it is this That our, Island may become an extended Emporium of Trade and Manufactures, so that a few avaricious speculators, not content with the slow reward of honest industry, may rapidly amass wealth, buy up your land, and convert your country population into Manufacturers and Labourers, to be crowded together in the Towns, that their obnoxious Cottages may not offend the sight of the great landed proprietors, who are then to be in the country.

But would this produce happiness to the people of this Island? Would it lead to their present comfort or their present peace, or to what is of infinately greater consequence to their eternal safety, that English capitalists should embark their money here, Until every stream was covered with Mills, and every valley with Factories. Let a writer of great eminence and vast experience answer the question! In Alison's admirable work on Population, we have this remarkable passage,-speaking of Scotland, he says:-

" Scotland as she was, and still is, in her rural and pastoral districts,-and Scotland as she is in her great towns and manufacturing counties, are as opposite as light and darkness. Would you behold Scotland as she was-enter the country cottage of the, as yet, untainted rural labourer; you will see a frugal, industrious, and contented family, with few luxuries, but fewer wants---bound together by the strongest bonds of social affection, fearing God, and scrupulous in the discharge of every moral and religious duty, you will see the young at the village school, under the shadow of the neighbouring church, inhaling with their first breath the principles of devotion, and preparing to follow the simple, innocent life of their forefathers, who repose in the neighbouring churchyard ; you. will see the middle-aged, toiling with ceaseless industry, to fulfil the engagement contracted by the broken sixpence, or maintain the family with which Providence has blessed their union ; you will see the gray haired seated in the armchair of old age, surrounded by their children and their grandchildren, reading the Bible every evening to their assembled descendants, and every Sunday night joining with them in the song of praise. Such was, and in many places, still is, Scotland under the Church, the Schoolmaster, and the Bible."

And may we not say such was,-aye, and in spite of the pestiferous doctrines lately spread amongst us, such still is the Isle of Mann. The picture is still applicable to this happy little country. And is it not a state of things which the pious and the good may confidently beseech a beneficent Creator, to look down upon to bless and preserve? Who would not wish to see it extended rather than diminished? But turn we now to another picture, sketched by the same masterly hand.

" Would you behold Scotland as she now is in the manufacturing districts, under the modern system, which is to supercede those antiquated prejudices? Enter the dark and dirty change-houses, where twelve or fourteen mechanics, with pale visages and wan cheeks, are assembled on Saturday evening to read the journals, discuss the prospects of their trades' unions, and enliven a joyless existence, by singing, intoxication, and sensuality. Listen to the projects sometimes formed for throwing vitriol into the eyes of one obnoxious operative, or intimidating by threats other peaceable and industrious citizens; hearken to the gross and licentious conversation-the coarse and revolting projects which are canvassed-the licentious songs which are sung, the depraved tales told, the obscene books often read in these dens of iniquity-follow them on, as they wander all night from change-house to change-house, associating with all the abandoned females they meet on the streets at these untimely hours, drinking a half-mutchken here, a bottle of porter there, two gills at a third station, and indulging, without scruple, in presence of each other, in all the desires consequent on such stimulants and such society Observe them continuing this scene of debauchery through all Sunday and Sunday night, and returning to their work, -Pale, dirty, unwashed, and discontented, on Monday or on Tuesday morning, having been two nights out of bed, absent from their families, and spending almost all their earnings in profligacy, happy if they have not been worked up, at the close of this long train of debauchery, to engage in some highway robbery or house-breaking, which consigns many of them to exile or the scaffold. Such is Scotland under the schoolmaster, the journalist, and the distiller; and grievous as the picture is, those practically acquainted with the habits of many of our manufacturers will not deem it overcharged."

Happily, we are not yet brought to this most lamentable state ; but as I do not believe we are more moral than the English, to avoid the results of popular Elections; neither do 1 believe we are more religious than the Scotch, to avoid the evils of being converted into a Manufacturing district.

The few small factories that we have at present, each of them employ so small a number of hands, that they are all more or less under the immediate control of the estimable persons who so admirably conduct them; but let the few tens now employed, be enlarged to thousand;, and personal control is impossible.

The increased wealth of a country, by means of extended manufactures and trade, does not necessarily ensure the happiness of the many. In England and Scotland, individual wealth has increased to an inconceivable amount; but hand in hand with the increase of wealth amongst some classes, has been the increase of poverty and crime in others.

In England, the number of committals in 1813, were 7,164; in 1837, they were 23,612! ! !-that is to say, they had tripled in twenty-four years.

But in Scotland, serious crimes advanced from only 89 in 1805 to no less than 3418 in 1838, being an increase of more than thirty-fold.-Vide "Allison oil Population," vol. 2,-316.

To pass, however, from this melancholy picture, to another of a different description, the consideration of the bitter effects of party-spirit, as exemplified in matters now passing under your immediate notice.

The party now seeking to destroy your Constitution, have long had possession of a part of the Public Press. With the one object in view, they have pursued their course with persevering energy, and any person opposing their views, has been stigmatized and slandered with the bitterest and most malignant enmity. Let the course now pursued by that portion of the Press of this Country be much longer encouraged, and the morality of this Island and with it its peace and happiness-are gone for ever.

There cannot be a more certain step taken towards the moral degradation of any country, and its ultimate ruin, than by means of the Public Press, to weaken the strong-hold which its ancient Institutions have upon the affections of the people ; by libellous slanders, to bring into contempt "the authorities that be," and lessen the respect that is entertained for the worthiest and best of its people, if opposed to such proceedings. At first, such statements are received with startling surprise; but soon they grow familiar-then become agreeable,-and finally are looked and longed for. The public taste becomes vitiated and debased, and the appetite increases for the food it feeds on. From slandering public men, to defaming private persons, the step becomes the easier as the public mind becomes more prepared to bear it, until at last no other food is palatable, and each man takes delight in seeing his neighbour traduced, forgetting that he himself may be the victim next brought forward. It is a bitter characteristic of human nature, that public slander is always more than half believed, and rarely if ever examined into. What results? Public and private confidence are alike destroyed; all becomes suspicion and distrust-the good and the bad, the evil-minded and the well-disposed, are reduced to a common level, and the bonds of the whole social fabric are broken up and destroyed !

Such is the ruinous course already begun with too much success in this Island; and unless the yet sound-hearted of the community bestir themselves, to check this downward progress, our doom is sealed, and the peace and happiness of this country is destroyed for ever.

I have now brought before you some few of the leading evils attending Popular Elections, and I have shown you the danger of seeking to change your Ancient Constitution. It remains, therefore, only to consider, whether your present Constitution is not adequate to all your reasonable wants, and whether it is not a much more wise and prudent course, to endeavour to improve its usefulness, without endangering its stability; rather than by changing its nature, to run the risk of destroying it altogether.

I am far from saying, that the working (if I may so use the term) of your present Institutions is at such a pitch of perfection, that it admits of no improvement ; that you require no new laws to be made-no old ones to be amended, nor obnoxious ones to be repealed.

On the contrary, I believe that in each of these, and in other respects, there is room for improvement, but it should be attempted with a wary and a sparing hand; too much legislation is as great an evil as too little, and in the making or altering of laws, it is well ever to keep the advice in mind, not to " do in haste what you may have to repent of at leisure." Whatever is required, I am fully persuaded, may be as well or better accomplished under the existing Constitution as by an Elective House of Keys.

No human -institution is perfect. Even the Constitution of England, so justly admired by all the great Nations of the Earth, does not give universal satisfaction to the English People. Far stronger and far more plausible things have been written against it, than ever were penned against the Constitution of the Isle of Mann; and it has been attacked by factions, so powerful, so subtle, so well combined and energetic, as to shake the peace of that Great Empire to its very centre.

But even if the institutions of a Kingdom were perfect, the lust of power and the pride of life so rule in the heart of man, that he would manifest discontent.

When the Israelites in the wilderness had the Power of God to protect them, the Spirit of God to guide them, and the Love of God to bless them-they murmured against his Government, and lusted after power!-And when in the Land of Canaan they were ruled over in Righteousness by the Prophet of the Lord they clamoured for a King of their own.

After such instances as these, you need not be surprised that your institutions should be alleged to be imperfect, and that discontented men, lusting after a share in the Government, should arise to condemn them, and try to render you as dissatisfied as themselves. But be not so deceived by their statements, as to risk the good you have, in search of some unknown benefit you may never obtain.

Never was there a form of Government better framed for meeting the wants of a small community, than the constitution of, the Isle of Mann.

If a law is absolutely required, for any general or for any local purpose, and a majority of the people should feel the want of it, and fancy that the Legislature is slow to bring it forward, application may be made by petition to his Excellency the Lieutenant. -Governor, and he will order the parties to be heard by Counsel, before the Bar of the Tynwald Court, «-lien arguments will be heard both for and against the proposed or desired measure, and the matter will finally be taken into consideration by the whole Legislature.

Again, is a law about to be passed, that the country, or any number of individuals may think objectionable, in whole or in part, they in like manner may apply to be heard, and will be heard, by their Counsel, before the Tynwald Court, or before the Keys themselves.

Here, then, we find a prompt, a prudent, and an efficient means for ascertaining the wishes or the judgment of the People in any important matter; and it is the fault of the People and not of the Keys, if it is not used as it ought to be.

If it be said, sufficient notice is not given of any Act about to be passed ; surely if the present mode of printing the proposed Act beforehand, is thought insufficient, that evil may be easily remedied, either by establishing a Government Gazette, in which all Acts of Tynwald proposed to be passed, shall be published a certain length of time beforehand, or by some other satisfactory means. If such a means were established for public information, all Government matters important for the public to know, might be published in it, and amongst others, the High-road Funds, about which so much has been said, and so unjustly said, that it is a wonder the various gentlemen, who have from time to time performed the duties of the Committee of Highways, have continued their gratuitous services, instead of throwing up their troublesome offices with disgust.

It is time that the public at large should know what many, very many individuals are already acquainted with, that the Highroad Accounts are regularly settled, audited, and laid before the Tynwald Court, once every year, where they are open to every scrutiny, and are constantly the subject of more or less discussion. When passed they are deposited in the Roils' Office, with every account, receipt, and voucher for every item in the account, and there they remain open for the inspection of any and every person who may choose to go and inspect, or take extracts from them, at any time afterwards. I shall not, however, pursue this subject further, for I fear I have already wearied my readers.

It would be impossible, in a pamphlet like this, to refute separately all that is so indistinctly charged against the legislature ; but on every one of the objections I have heard, there would probably be the greatest possible difference of opinion. Take, for example, the subject of a. poor-law-the most complicated, the most extensive, the most difficult, and the most dangerous act of legislation that can be entered upon ; affecting, in its consequences, the industry, the frugality, and the morality of the lower classes !. Is the country agreed upon the measure ? Most assuredly not. I trust, however, that without entering into such details, I have shewn enough to satisfy any reasonable man, that the Constitution of this Country is fully adequate to all its wants, if the people do but use it rightly. In the malting of all laws, let it be remembered, we have a double advantage ; for after they have passed the scrutiny of our Governor, Council, and Keys,-they are with equal carefulness and minuteness, inspected by Her Majesty's Council, and the Law Officers of the Crown, before they can become law.

Let me then urge every lover of peace and order, to rally round their Ancient Institution, which is, in every sense of the word, worthy of their highest estimation. Your good Bishop Wilson well knew its value ; and after describing various important matters, he proceeds to say in his "History of the Isle of Mann," " Now, if to this, we add, that once every year; namely, on St. "John Baptist's day, there is a -Meeting of the Governor, Officers, "spiritual and temporal, Deemsters, and Twenty-four keys; "where any person has a right to present any uncommon grievance, and to have his complaint heard in the face of the whole "Country, there cannot be imagined a better Constitution, where "the injured may have relief, and those that are in authority "may, if they please, have their sentences and actions, if unrighteous, justified to all the world." Against the rude assault now made upon them, support your Keys, who have ever supported the best interest of the Country in every time of trial, and in no case more actively, zealously, and successfully, than during the late arrangements of the Fiscal Bill. Do them but the justice to read the OFFICIAL communications, which passed between them, their Agent, and the British Government, as printed in the Sun newspaper of the 31 st of August last, and you will find, that from the first, they took their stand upon the broad basis of their Constitutional rights, and that upon this pivot every subsequent movement turned. Dr. Bowring was a willing, able, and active assistant, and as such is entitled to our thanks for the services he rendered; but if Dr. Bowring had never been near the place, and the trade of the Country had made their views and wishes known through their Constituted Authorities, as they ought to have done; or if the section of the trade, who chose to communicate with Dr. Bowring, had entirely held their peace, the whole matter would have been accomplished just as well, without either of them. The Constitution was fully equal to the emergency of the case, and the Constituted Authorities had ample knowledge and information without them; and not one bit the less so, because some of the trade of the country chose to take their own course, instead of the right one. These late occurrences therefore, if you will but examine them, so far from affording any grounds for changing your Constitution ought to have precisely the contrary effect, and entitle it more- than ever to your confidence and respect.

But it is important to mention a third party in this matter; which has been entirely lost sight of-the British Government ! It was to their enlightened and justly liberal views of our true position, briefly but firmly laid before them by the House of Keys, as it had previously been done more at length by the Deputations in 183%, that we are mainly indebted for the provisions of the Fiscal Bill. All the official communications that passed between the Government and the Keys, or their agent, Mr. White, spew the signs of this impression, and the anxious. desire of the Government, to take a large and a liberal view of our case, and to pass a measure that should be beneficial to the Island, without injury to the revenue of Great Britain. To the British Government then, and our own Constituted Authorities, we owe unbounded thanks ; and this is the just statement of the case, without robbing Dr. Bowring of one atom of the credit fairly due to him.

I now desire to draw these observations to a close, and I trust I have fully shown to you, that the contemplated measure of having an Elective House of Keys, would be productive of the very greatest mischief and injury to the Island, if carried into effect ; by entirely destroying domestic peace and social intercourse, and supplying their places with strife and contention ; by involving the country in certain and heavy expenses, with no one substantial good to be obtained in return ; and by finally leading to our entire and complete annexation to England ! And further, that our present Constitution is fully adequate to all our wants, and better suited to our general circumstances, than any other that could be given to us, if we only make a right use of it as it is.

Beware, then, how you barter your present peace and happiness (which heretofore every stranger who visited your shores, used to admire and envy) for an uncertain good, and with the positive certainty of much evil.

Let the sense of the Country then be fairly taken upon the subject. The crisis is one of the most vital importance to its future welfare seems to depend upon the result.

Surely then, it is the duty of every true lover of this Country, to reflect calmly and deliberately upon every view of the case. It is not by excitement and agitation ; by inflammatory addresses and personal abuse of those who differ with us in opinion, that a just judgment can ever be arrived at.

The Conservatives should join together, as the Reformers have done. Prepare brief petitions, embodying their views.-Print them and circulate them numerously, in order that the public may have abundant opportunity of knowing what they are going to sign. When they have time to consider of it,-then and not till then, ask those who approve of it to sign. This is not perhaps the most politic way to accomplish a purpose ; but it is more worthy of the Conservative cause, as being the most honourable means of ascertaining a fact.

If then, it shall truly appear, that the mass of the people, who fairly represent the taxable property of the place, desire the change proposed, then I am persuaded, there is not a Member of the House of Keys, certainly not one with whom I am personally acquainted, who would not most readily resign his office.

The petition already signed in favour of Reform, is not a just representation of the true sense of the people. Multitudes have signed it from the mere effects of excited feelings, without knowing the other side of the question, and therefore having no means of exercising a cool judgment.

But let the matter be fairly tested-let means be devised, for getting at the true judgment of the people, and then it would be the bounden ditty of all, to combine to produce the most beneficial results, from whatever course might be resolved upon by the majority-but that majority ought not to be small, nor merely numerical; but due consideration ought to be given to the amount of property represented.

Before I conclude this letter, I desire to address a few words to that (I hope) numerous class of people in this Island, who seek to act in the fear and love of God. Consider on which course you can seek God's blessing. Whether to pay due " honour to the authorities that be," and to help to increase their efficiency; or by a contrary course of conduct, to risk (I say no more to you,) even to risk bringing upon this country, the sin, wickedness, and evil, that the united wisdom of all the British Legislature has not been able to avert, from the Institutions we are urged to adopt.

I have now done my duty to the public, as a citizen and a subject of the country in which I earn my daily bread ; and in delivering my opinions upon matters so vitally affecting the interest of the Island, I doubt not, from the spirit of the times, I have exposed myself to much insult and personal abuse ; but the expectation of it has not deterred, and, I trust, never will deter me from doing what I believe to be right.

I have, therefore, nothing now to add but to subscribe myself, as I truly am and ever desire to be,

Your faithful Servant,

J. C. BLUETT.

Footnotes

1 It is scarcely possible for any country to be possessed of a more respcetable or useful body of men than the Setting Quests of our different parishes ; yet they are even more self-elected than the Keys, and, in the sage for pulling down ancient institutions, I should feel no surprise if some of the improving itinerants, who seek to enlighten the Island, were to hit at this body next, especially as some trifling fees belong, to the office.

Any comments, errors or omissions gratefully received The Editor HTML Transcription © F.Coakley , 2009