EmigrationEmigrationThat the Manx have long moved away from constraints at home is well attested. To quote from Spenser Walpole Land of Home Rule
The Manx Legislature had, indeed, placed special difficulties on the emigration of the Manx people. One of the earliest laws in the Statute Book had directed that no one born and resident in the Island should leave it without the Governor's license and had branded disobedience to the law as felony. In 1655 the law was strengthened, "and it was ordered that whosoever shall transport any men or women servants out of the Isle without special license first had and procured from the Governor . . . shall forfeit and be proceeded against in the strictest and severest manner that by law shall or may be instituted for every tyme offendinge." But even this Act was not found stringent enough. The Governor's pass was too easily procurable; and the Legislature in 1715 had to confess that " the servants of this Island, both men and women, as soon as they attain the age of sixteen or seventeen years, and fit to serve in the country, do, under the notion of necessity or other pretence, obtain license, and serve their whole lives in other countrys . . . whereby this island is no better than a nursery for other places, and the useful servants going off, and but a few left, besides such depraved, useless, or inactive people' who are rather a burden than any real service to the Island, upon which will inevitably ensue the utter decay, not only of husbandry and tillage, but also of all kinds of trade."[Chap 15]
A similar comment was made by the Duke of Atholl in 1791:
Indeed, the population of the island is excessive : it is no uncommon thing for fourteen to be grown up in one family ; but in general, except the eldest son and daughter, the whole are obliged to quit the island to gain their bread, and seldom return.
Possibly the earliest reference is by John Cote in the 1428 Garrison Roll who noted that: "mych peple is gore out of the Contre both yong and elder the which the Waterbaly aght to present in to my lordes bokes" .
Manx emigration and settlement in England is covered elsewhere.
Very little detailed study has been done on most aspects of Manx emigration. Moore in his History of the Isle of Man gave a little of the economic background; Craine gives a readable account of 17th emigration to the West Indies (but unsupported by documentation) and Kinvig in 1954 reported on Manx Settlement in the USA giving an excellent, though brief, survey of the 19th mass migration. 'Never to Return' by Hampton Creer fills in much of the background to the transportation aspects.
An overview of these strands is given by R.Forster [Fore91] in which he splits emigration into a number of phases:
The best known 'Manx' emigrant is of course Myles Standish - the military leader of the Pilgrim Fathers who sailed for New England in 1620. An excellent article giving much of the benefit of recent research is that by Rex Kissack The Standish family of the Isle of Man.
Craine (paraphrased by Cowin in Manx Pioneers) describes the appearance of the Bristol ship Fortune in Douglas bay in October 1646 and the offer, by Captain Brooke, to give free passage to Barbados for those who were willing to enter into an indenture to work in the plantations. Some 36 volunteered, though it is doubtful if they would have if they had been fully aware of the atrocious conditions there. At least one, Robert Quayle Barbados (so called from his constant reference to his time there) returned. In 1650 Barbados apparently contained Manxmen whose names were not on Brooke's list so there must have been other transports. Some of these Manx, for example Robert Looney (d.1732), became prosperous though life in the tropics was often short.
In 1655 the brothers William and Jonathan Christian of Maughold went to Virginia and prospered producing many well known figures.
Craine also mentions another early emigrant, John Kaighin (d.1724), had reached North America before 1682 and having settled in New Jersey near Philadelphia prospered in the Linen trade. As he was a zealous member of the Society of Friends Craine surmises that it might have been the persecution of Quakers on the Island that encouraged his emigration.
Other early emigrants were much less wealthy - some may have gone as indentured servants, such as Joan Norris and Alice Lacie, in 1686. Such servants would bind themselves to work for food, shelter and clothing, but no wages, for a number of years, for which they would receive free transportation to the colony. Once arrived, their indentures would be sold to the highest bidder - this system was prohibited in England in 1785 though allowed in Ireland until c.1800.
Liverpool had a major trade with North America from the late 17th century and offices devoted to the emigrant trade opened both there, and in other major English ports, from the 1770's - such offices would advertise for emigrants; prior to this merchants, or captains, would sell passages to America as any other commodity was sold. Emigration to North America from the surrounding countries was extensive in the 18th century, e.g. Ulster in 1720's, Scotland in 1715 and especially after 1745, and England, though here the authorities were generally against emigration except for convicts. There was some government concern about emigration levels in the 1770's and weekly returns on numbers were required from all major ports. Judging from the paucity of reported Manx emigration during this period it would appear that the Manx felt prosperous at home; the 'running trade' was growing throughout the 18th century until the abrupt halt in 1765; though after this period some writers state than emigration took place (Philip Moore writing in 1769 states 1000 left); and Woods, (1811) states "Many persons being by its failure thrown out of employment, emigrated to America; some went to sea; some engaged themselves in the fisheries; and others turned attention to the cultivation of the ground". However in North America the 1770's saw considerable political disquiet and then open revolt (American 'war of independence') thus severely restricting emigration. Feltham writing in 1797/8 of Kirk Bride says:
The population of the island in general is excessive: it is no uncommon thing for fourteen to be grown up in one family. But in general, except the eldest son and daughter, the whole are obliged to quit the island to gain their bread, and seldom return.
The following quote from 'Some Special Studies in Genealogy' C.A.Bernau, 1908 is taking about tracing early American Emigrants from England:
Custom House Records;
In theory, it should be an easy matter to find out who every emigrant was, for by law it was incumbent on one of the officers of every custom house to record details as to age, residence and trade of every emigrant. Early in the nineteenth century these books of registration of emigrants were ordered to be brought to London and deposited in the Custom House, but this building was burnt down in 1814, and the records destroyed.
Licences to pass beyond the Seas.
These custom house ship-passenger-lists are not to be confused with the Licences -to -pass -beyond-the-Seas amongst the Exchequer records, King's Remembrancer side. They are of great value as they give age, home, trade, and destination of the emigrant. In the early years of the emigration the licences issued direct from the King, but in the fifth year of Charles I. (1629/30) the power was delegated. Before the licence was granted, oaths had to be taken that the applicants were neither subsidy men nor nonconformists. For some reason not known to us at the present time, very few of the books in which the grants of the licences were recorded have been preserved. Those that exist were printed by Hotten in his "Original Lists of Emigrants," but only as regards those who said they were going to America. It is a pity he did not include the others, as many who, for political reasons, could not obtain a licence to emigrate to America, were able to get a pass to visit such places as Leyden, Amsterdam or Rotterdam, and, when once out of England, they could pass on to the New World. These licences are now being printed in the pages of that standard magazine of English genealogy called "The Genealogist."
Passenger Lists.
The author of this chapter has in his possession passenger lists for 1773, 1774 and 1775, containing details of emigration of nearly 6,000 persons, lists of Jacobite rebels transported after 1715 and 1745, lists of felons transported, and a very large general collection of connecting links for emigrants.
It is still hoped that some other lists of emigrants may be found, and lately clues have come to light that other early lists do exist.
Most of these lists relating to people going from the British Isles to America have been printed, see "Passenger & Immigration Lists Bibliography 1538-1900" (a guide to published lists of arrivals in the US and Canada), by P.W. Philby, 1988; Philby is also the co-author of "Passenger & Immigration Lists index: a Guide to published arrival records of about 500,000 passengers who came to the US and Canada in the Seventeenth, Eighteenth, and Nineteenth Centuries" (3 vols 1981 and annual supplements).
Transportation as a court imposed punishment only became a legal option in the 1820's though earlier several accused of various crimes were allowed to avoid worse punishment by accepting exile. In fact the Governor in 1676 attempted, unlawfully, to transport William Callow, a Quaker, to Virginia [see chap 8 of From King Orry to Queen Victoria E.Callow 1899].
Once transportation had become an acceptable legal punishment it would appear to have been applied to what today we would consider very petty offences e.g. the theft of a few items of clothing or food, in a few cases it was for sheep stealing or for forging promissory notes. Sentences were mostly for seven years, sometimes 14 years and in one or two cases they were transported for life. Most were sent to New South Wales in Australia; very very few were able to return.
The earliest on record was the transportation of William and Thomas Watterson who escaped out of gaol in Liverpool and were sent after capture to William Leece a Merchant in Liverpool on the 12th August 1786, to be conveyed first to London and then to the Coast of Africa and to be landed at the Bay of Honduras.
Details of these cases can be found in Liber Plitor, Government Office papers and the newspapers. The information gives the court case details, the parish the crime was committed in, the parish the accused lived in, their occupation and in the case of women whether they were single or married. The name of the ship they were to travel on is given and the date of sailing. A brief overview is given in Journal FHS vol 11 special issue from which the following is extracted
A typical case is of JANE QUAYLE alias Cowell she was the wife of John Quayle shoemaker of Douglas, on the 13th August 1822 she stole a piece of lace valued at 14 shillings, a silk scarf, a silk shawl and some other small articles with Mary Cowell (her sister?). They were taken to the hulks at Woolwich by Thomas Cleator and were received on board the ship 'Mary' by Captain Steele, on May 18th 1823. They were to be transported for seven years for their crime.
Jane of course left her husband behind, she would have been able to take any children with her, boys under six years and girls under ten years of age were allowed to accompany their mother.
For this journey to a new life they had to be provided with a spare jacket or gown, one spare petticoat, two spare shifts, two spare handkerchiefs, two spare pairs of stockings and an extra pair of shoes.
Such transportation continued until mid century - Mona's Herald for 1 June 1841 reports
CONVICTS: On Thursday Catherine Crebbin and Margery Colrin, two young women convicted of Grand Larcency, at a late Court of General Gaol Delivery, held at Castletown and sentenced to seven years transportation, were placed on board the Royal Mail Steam Packet, the Queen of the Isle, for Liverpool, whence they will be conveyed to a convict vessel.
A list taken from Hampton Creer's book "Never to Return" gives some names - there are other Manx convicted in England (or elsewhere) not included.
The key to understanding this was the revestment of 1765 in which Britain gained control of the Island and thus put an end to the running trade which was very profitable and had, it was claimed, 'sapped moral strength' and the rising price of corn and cornlaws which prevented its importation from outside of Great Britain. The end of the Napoleonic wars saw wages in decline as more men became available from army. The bad years of the Herring fishery around the early 19C and the 'greed' of the Duke of Atholl and his nephew the Bishop in raising rents and tithes (especially the attempted tithe on potatoes) in the 1820's added to the misery. It is possible that the increase in population had pushed the cultivation of unsuitable land - the old quarterland boundaries were almost entirely below 600' but McCulloch in 1815 noted what he thought was unsuitable high ground was being cultivated. Certainly the enclosure of the commons in the 1860's removed the economic base on which many hill farms were based and thus led to emigration.
Kinvig quotes 1821/2 as the earliest precise date with William Corkill (+ family) of Ramsey emigrating, via Liverpool, to Steubenville on the River Ohio where an uncle already had land.
Moore, writing in 1900, dates the start of the mass emigration from 1825 - an article written in 1913 by a second-generation Manx emigrant, Wm Kerruish, of Cleveland confirms this stating that it was due to reports by a Dr Harrison, a soldier/adventurer and brother to the Rev J.E. Harrison of Jurby, who visited the southern side of Lake Eire in 1812 and on his return to the Island passed on glowing reports. These reports coupled with the declining economic situation persuaded many, especially from the Northern parishes to emigrate - " In 1825 and 1826 a few families came, and in 1827 a hundred and upwards came ". {see also my paper on this early emigration]
A description of the journey to this 'promised land' is given by Thomas Kelly in his Diary. Typically the journey from Liverpool to New York would take around 40 days (see page on New York/Liverpool Packets )- the opening of the Ohio canal made the onwards journey from New York to Ohio considerably easier. A list of these early settlers and ships on which they travelled is available. See Howe for an early description of the Ohio counties in which the Manx settled
Methodism had established strong roots amongst the small farmers of the North (e.g. Thomas Kelly was a trustee of Sandygate chapel) and, although there was no legal obstruction on the Island, it would appear that the freedom to practise (and possibly to educate their children) without having to support an established church played a significant part in the decision of these early settlers. Other diaries and letters from the period paint a vivid picture of the hardships endured; however they all felt that prospects were better there than back at home in the Island - the letters of William Corlett and his son Thomas, extend over a period of around 45 years and describe the increasing prosperity of the area. He, together with other Manx families, had in 1827 charted a small American sailing ship to take them to America and in a letter back home in 1831 speaks of some 90 persons in the neighborhood, all from the Isle of Man.
The 1820's thus saw a significant migration from the Northern parishes and the establishment of significant Manx speaking communities in Ohio - exact figures are not available as early American censuses did not ask about nationality, however Cleveland city censuses for 1846 and 1848 give 95 and 148 manx-born (most Manx settled outside of Cleveland) - see article "Manx Settlement" from "Cleveland Leader" of Wednesday, July 22nd 1896. (The 1850 & 1860 censuses did however include birthplace and lists of the Manx born are available). It was the use of Manx that gave them a reputation for 'clannishness' and allowed Kinvig, writing in 1954, to speak of an 'unmixed descent to the present day, when the sixth generation has been reached'.
The Cleaveland Herald of Friday 3 Aug 1827 has "Emigrants - There arrived here in the steam-boats Superior and Niagra, on Sunday and in the schooner Young Lion, on Tuesday about 200 immigrants from the Isle of Man." [Forster would appear to misquote as the remainder of the item deals with Swiss immigrants]. These could be from the ships Chili, Curler and Ocean all of which arrived in New York in early July and whose combined numbers were around 200. Forster also states, without quoting a source, that in 1827, 52 Manx had left Peel to travel via Belfast to New York.
Emigration continued, though possibly on a lesser scale, during the 1830's - the Primitive Methodists in their report to Conference in July 1837 reported "we have lost this year thirty eight members [out of 750] by removals to England, America and elsewhere."
The 1840's were lean years - in 1842 the Manx press reported considerable emigration. In 1845 the potato crop failed, though the Manx had a wider diet than the Irish poor it was still a (the?) main component of the diet - Tynwald even applied for a grant from the Imperial treasury to relieve distress though the grant was refused. The holiday trade, which together with mining was to be the main industries and to provide a ready market for the farmers, had started in the 1830's but really only grew quickly some thirty years later.
The emigration, in thousands, from the British Isles (UK, Ireland and IoM) for the 25 years 1835-1860 is shown below (quoted by Colman in Appendix B from 1873 report of Emigration Commissioners)
note modern names used for
destinations
The figures should be treated as underestimates, as for much of the period they rely on figures supplied by ships' captains who would not report any overloading! The dip in 1838/9 is due to the troubles in upper Canada, the peak in Canadian emigration in 1847 is due to changes in American legislation which encouraged ships to divert to Canada (most emigrants were destined for USA). The Australian figures reflect the 1850's goldrush.
It is impossible to accurately determine the percentage of these who were Irish, but for arrivals into New York in the period 1847 onwards, 75% at least would be Irish - assuming the Manx followed the English model then, pro rata (Manx were some 40k:20M or 0.2% of UK population), one would expect Manx emigration figures to peak at approximately 200 per year - this assumption is an obviously very crude approximation.
Emigration was again a strong attraction throughout the 40's and into the 50's: the Manx Sun of March 20th 1852
Emigration - The natives of the northern part of the Island are again making arrangements to leave the place of their birth and seek a home in North America. On Wednesday last about fifty persons, principally young men arrived in Douglas from Andreas, Ballaugh etc. and the same night took their departure by the King Orry for Liverpool with the intention of emigrating to America where the most of them have already friends or relatives. We are informed by a person who accompanied the emigrants to Douglas that the scene when these parties were leaving their homes, was truly affecting. Their relatives followed them for a considerable way on the road, lamenting their departure whilst a long procession of carts conveying the luggage moved slowly along and also bearing the juvenile portion of the party amidst the silence of those about to leave their native soil, who would occasionally steal an expressive glance at their late homes. Our informant says that he never saw even a funeral procession move with more touching solemnity. There were also a few individuals from the South of the Island who left by the same steamship en route for Australia
The Australian emigration will be considered later. Kinvig places the start of the significant Manx settlements in Illinois to 1848/9 when small groups of farmers arrived at Brimfield.
One such group of emigrants can be seen in the manifest for the West Point which arrived in New York in 1850.
The Mona's Relief Society of Cleveland was founded in the 1850's to help support these later emigrants - early accounts give a record of many of these early Manx emigrants. Many biographies of these early settlers appeared in county histories - Cleveland Public Library and Western Reserve Libraries are good places to start a search - see also Useful Library Information & Historical Societies.
Another strand in the American emigration was that of miners to work the lead mines in northern Wisconsin; the goldrush to California started in 1849 and attracted many to attempt to make their fortune.
Examination of the 1880 US census shows the distribution of Manx-born in the USA (compare with 1920).
Economic conditions in Britain started to turn around in the early 1850's with annual percentage rate of growth of GDP increasing each year until 1873, when after the boom years of 1865-1873 it fell somewhat for the next decade before recovering to produce a boom in the early 1890's. There would appear to have been no labour shortage during the nineteenth century. Unemployment was very high in 1879 and again in 1884-7, with further bad years in 1892-5; however in all these years real wages continued to increase before falling after 1900. Obviously it would be local not global considerations that induced emigration. Although the repeal of the cornlaws in the mid 1830's were supposed to throw open the floodgates for cheap imported wheat, this did not actually happen until the 1870's. However as several authors point out it is necessary to look carefully at the type of farming, as the market for meat and dairy products (which was the case in the Island) improved as higher real wages led to a demand from the cities, though there was still a considerable population migration from country to town. The Island's tourist industry also benefited strongly from this growth in disposable income. The major depression was the the collapse of the mining industry in the mid 1890's. Examination of the census returns shows that an annual population growth rate of around 1.25% between 1831 and 1851 was turned into a virtually zero growth rate until the end of the century (and actually fell there after). Thus extensive emigration, to the UK or further afield, must have continued.
Erickson [1994] provides a wideranging examination of the English emigration to America over the period of 1830 to 1880; she used the same passenger lists, as discussed earlier in the 1826/7 emigration period, to look at the social background of many English emigrants. She also pointed out the potential utility of American County Histories (similar to those quoted for some of the Cleveland emigrants) to give an indication of economic advancement of both emigrants and their children.
New South Wales was founded as a penal colony in 1788; Tasmania in particular was seen as the main penal establishment, which position it held to around 1855. Transportation to Western Australia continued until 1868.
New South Wales had a bad reputation because of the penal establishments, and thus emigration got off to a slow start. However the wool trade started to develop from the 1820's. South Australia was established as a separate colony in 1836. The Manx Liberal 2 February 1839 carried a brief report "The ships Porter and Dorset having on board some emigrants of the Island to Australia touched at Cape of Good Hope". A letter from Thomas Cain from Adelaide in 1840 makes mention of several other Manx settlers.
The gold rush of 1851 attracted many settlers. An interesting advert appeared in the 1855 edition of Kerruish's Guide to the Isle of Man in which William Stead, landlord of the Adelphi Hotel states " Mr STEAD respectfully intimates that he has recently returned from AUSTRALIA and the GOLD DIGGINGS, and will have pleasure in furnishing Gentlemen who intend going out to Australia with useful advice and information respecting that flourishing colony. "
The voyage to the antipodes was long and often unsafe. An diary of an early voyage in 1839 on the Sir Charles Forbes was kept by William Kinnish, a young carpenter, in the service of a Mr Myles who was also emigrating. Several letters back home, now in the Manx Museum, give personal stories e.g. William Cowen in 1852 stated that they had 16 deaths on board including his young daughter Emma [MM MMD 5097A quoted by Forster].
One amusing tale is that of The Vixen which was built and manned by Peel men and sailed to Australia for the goldmines with a crew of 37 in 1853. They arrived safely and after some minor mutiny they went to the goldmines where they were not so lucky. Most quickly realised that a better living was to be made by sailing the vessel, which they did before most sailed it back to Peel in 1859. The vessel was then sold, to a Manx group, under Captain John Sansbury and traded until being lost with all crew in 1864, (supposedly after a night in the pub though this is not confirmed by Graves whose more believable account is that on a voyage from Wales to Belfast it struck the Arrag Voar, the cargo probably shifted and the vessel went down.)- see Manx Worthies or IoMFHS vol iv #3 p44-45 - a much more detailed account is given by F.S. Graves "The Story of the Vixen" in Proc IoMNHASoc vol vii #2 pp201-231, March 1968. Letters from those remaining in Australia have been published.
Assisted passages to New Zealand started in the 1850's - one of the first to emigrate was Stephen Corlett (Bp. 1803) whose story is told in Manx Roots and Colonial Branches. A partial list of Manx emigrants to New Zealand is available.
Whilst the Manx were emigrating to Ohio in the 1820's and 1830's many English were emigrating to Canada - in fact some Manx did move to the northern shores of Lake Erie. An advert in the Manx Advertiser of 25 Jan 1827 (and repeated in subsequent weeks) was for the Brig Maria, captain Robert Hewitt, bound for St Johns or Quebec to sail from Douglas (if sufficient number interested) and to be ready by 5 April. The quoted fare, steerage, was £3 10/- with applications to be made to a Mr John Armstrong, Three Tuns Tavern, James Street. I have not been able to confirm if this vessel actually did sail from Douglas.
Many would appear to have emigrated in the 1840's and 50's e.g. Thomas Kneen went to Montreal in 1857, though most in this period, it would seem, joined family or friends in Ohio.
In the 1880's and 1890's there was another burst of emigration to Canada - the Manx Church Magazine of July 1892 contains a letter by Rev R.B. Baron of Douglas St. Georges who was accompanying a party of 115 emigrants on the RMS Sardinian from Liverpool to Quebec en route to Manitoba where, in a subsequent letter [Aug 1892], he stated that all his young emigrants had found employment. In the earlier letter he refers to an earlier, similar, voyage made in 1890.
A further burst occured c.1905-10 - see account of Vancouver Manx.
A number of Manx emigrated to South Africa. Captain William Kitto went to South Africa in 1890 - one letter published in the Manx Church Magazine describes the situation and mentions other Manxmen.
In the Manx Church Magazine for March 1895 under notice for Foxdale is found:
A letter has been received from Mr Philip Crellin, Johannesburg, South Africa, enclosing a draft for the sum of £19 l0s for Mrs William Henry Cain. This amount has been handed to her, and was most thankfully accepted. The following is an extract from the letter and the list of subscriptions:-We were very sorry to hear of the death of William Cain, and amongst some of us Manxmen on the estate and other adjoining properties we thought it our duty to subscribe what we could between us, and we have gathered the sum of £12 1s, and hand it over to you, and you can dispose of it to the widow as you think proper: - -Philip Crellin, William Radcliffe, John Quilliam, John Woods, Louis Crellin, Robert Corkill, Walter Corkill, Reginald Kitto, John M. Faragher, R. Skelly, £1 each; James Quayle, Robert Kelly, John Clague and Son, 10s each; Benjamin Wallis, 6s; Edward Quilliam, Thomas Faragher. William Clague, 5s. each.
This later emigration was forced by the collapse of the mining industry which in its early days had actually sucked in immigrants to the Island. Many of these returned just prior to the Boer War.
The following quote from Broadbents Vistors' Guide of c.1880 illustrates the topic:
The Mormons in the past have succeeded in inducing numbers to leave their native shores for the Salt Lake, and, within a brief period, a "mission" was sent to the Island by the Mormon prophet, which signally failed in its purpose, owing to the knowledge which had been acquired of the real and not the professed intentions of the "Church of Latter Day Saints"
From 1840 to the mid 1860's some 50,000 British Mormon emigrants left - an estimate is that some 200 or so Manx were involved in this Mormon inspired emigration but it is difficult to determine exact numbers. Some Manx played significant roles in the Mormon church. A separate page is devoted to this topic discussing the missionary activity in the early 1840's.
For some 20 years from 1884 to 1905, some 20 children a year were sent from the Douglas (later IoM) Industrial Home for Children to Canada (a few went to Australia/New Zealand). Such emigration continued, although on a smaller scale, into the 1920's, after which any emigration was to Australia. The link between the Island and Canada was established via Mr and Mrs Cambell, the master and matron of the home, who had previously worked for William Quarrier at Bridge of Weir. Quarrier and Dr Barnardo had both seen a new life in the rapidly expanding Canada as the best possible start for these children. Manx children would appear to have gone to Canada via Quarrier's home at Bridge of Weir (see article by Cringle).
For many children it was indeed a good start in life but for others their new masters treated them like slaves; the children also missed their friends, and sometimes other siblings, left behind on the Island.
In 1897 emigration via the Quarrier Home ceased as Quarrier would not agree with new legislation brought in by Ontario (which formalised the monitoring of such children) - such emigration restarted on the death of Quarrier in 1903.
The youth emigration to Canada mentioned above would appear to have been independent of the Industrial Home.
Even as late as post WW1 there was an assisted emigration scheme.
A list of various documents related to emigration.
D. Craine Manannan's Isle Douglas:Manx Museum and National Trust 1955 - chap IV 'Early Manx Settlers in America' (taken from an earlier paper in Proc IoMNHAS).
D. Cringle The Emigration of Manx Children to Canada: 1884-1928 Proceedings of IoM Natural History and Antiquarian Society vol X pp1/10 March 1991
R.Forster Aspects of Manx Emigration: 1750-1850 Proceedings of IoM Natural History and Antiquarian Society vol X pp23/32 March 1991 (available for £10 from Manx Museum Bookshop)
R.H.Kinvig Manx Settlement in the U.S.A. Proceedings of IoM Natural History and Antiquarian Society vol V No 4 pp436/455 1955
W.R.Serjeant (ed) Letters from America, 1831-1876 Part I:
William Corlett of Orrisdale and Ohio Journal of Manx Museum
VI #78 pp137/139 1962
Letters from America, 1831-1876 Part 2: Thomas Corlett of
Ohio J.MM VI #79 pp179/184 1963
Some mention of Manx emigrants is in Manx Worthies by A.W.Moore, 1901, chapter 9 p205 et seq.
T. Colman Passage to America London: Hutchinson 1972
C. Erickson Leaving England. Essays on British Emigration in the Nineteenth Century Ithaca/London Cornell University Press (ISBN 0-8014-2820-3) 1994
Hampton Creer Never to Return Douglas: Manx Heritage Foundation 2000 (ISBN 0-952-4019-7-5)
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